THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 

RIVERSIDE 

IN  MEMORY  OF 

Professor  Henry  J.  Qiiayle 


PRESENTED  BY 

Mrs  Fannie  Q.  Paul 
Mrs  Annie  Q.  Hadley 
Mrs  Elizabeth  Q.  Flowers 


^D  Oil  6. 
CITY  GOVERNMENT 

IN  THE  UNITED  STATES 

WITH  A  CHAPTER  ON  THE 
GREATER  NEW  YORK  CHARTER  OF  1897 


BY 


ALFRED   R.   CONKLING 

FORMERLY  ALDERMAN  OF  THE  CITY  OF  NEW   YORK 
AND   MEMBER  OF  ASSEMBLY  OF  THE  STATE  OF  NEW  YORK 


"  Municipal  Government  is  Business,  not  Politics" 

Motto  0/ People's  Municipal  League  0/ Nenii  VorJi,  1890 

"  The  City  for  the  People  " 

Motto  of  the  Citizens'  Union  of  New  York,  1897 


THIRD  EDITION,  REVISED 


NEW   YORK 

D.   APPLETON   AND   COMPANY 

1897 


CoPYRiaHT,  1894,  1897, 
By  D.  APPLETON  AND  COMPANY. 


TO  THE 

FOUNDERS  OF  THE  CITY  CLUB  OF  NEW  YORK, 

WHOSE    ZEALOUS    DEVOTION    TO    THE    CAUSE    OF    GOOD    GOVERNMENT 

IS   HEARTILY  APPRECIATED   BY  ALL   PUBLIC-SPIRITED   CITIZENS, 

THESE   PAGES  ARE   SINCERELY  INSCRIBED. 

(iu) 


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in  2007  witli  funding  from 

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PREFACE  TO  THE  THIRD  EDITION. 


In  preparing  a  third  edition,  I  have  added  a  chapter 
on  the  charter  for  the  Greater  New  York  as  enacted  in 
1897.  The  practical  working  of  this  charter  will,  I 
think,  be  watched  with  intense  interest  by  municipal 
refornaers  throughout  the  United  States. 

The  idea  of  nonpartisan  or  businesslike  municipal 
government  is  becoming  popular,  and  in  some  cities 
public  sentiment  for  good  government  has  been  so 
strong  that  citizens,  irrespective  of  party  ties,  have 
united  to  defeat  the  corrupt  political  rings  that  had 
long  plundered  these  municipalities.  Recent  examples 
are  Baltimore,  New  Orleans,  and  Galveston. 

The  progress  of  municipal  reform  is  shown  by  the 
large  number  of  associations  that  have  been  organized 
to  promote  it.  In  January,  1894,  the  first  national  con- 
ference for  good  city  government  was  held  in  Philadel- 
phia. Four  months  later  the  National  Municipal  League 
was  organized  in  the  city  of  New  York.  In  December, 
1894,  the  second  national  conference  .for  good  city  gov- 
ernment was  held  at  Minneapolis.  The  first  annual 
meeting  of  the  National  Municipal  League  and  the  third 

(V) 


vi  PREFACE  TO  THE  THIRD  EDITION. 

national  conference  took  place  at  Cleveland  in  May, 
1895.  The  next  annual  meeting  was  held  at  Baltimore 
in  May,  1896 ;  and  the  third  annual  meeting  took  place 
in  May,  1897,  at  Louisville.  The  proceedings  of  the 
National  Municipal  League  are  published  in  book  form, 
and  these  volumes  are  in  great  demand.  Within  three 
years  there  has  been  an  enormous  increase  in  the  num- 
ber of  associations  to  promote  good  city  government, 
and  now  about  two  hundred  such  clubs  are  in  exist- 
ence. 

Popular  interest  in  city  reform  is  also  shown  in  the 
constantly  increasing  literature  of  the  subject  and  the 
general  discussion  of  it  in  all  the  leading  newspapers 
of  the  country. 

A  national  convention  of  mayors,  councilmen,  and 
other  city  officials  was  held  at  Columbus,  Ohio,  from 
September  28  to  October  1,  1897,  and  papers  were  read 
by  representatives  of  cities  in  all  parts  of  the  United 
States. 

It  is  obvious  that  the  continuous  discussion  of  all 
phases  of  the  municipal  problem  can  not  fail  to  im- 
prove the  government  of  our  cities. 

A.  R.  C. 
New  York,  October  1, 1897. 


PREFACE. 


I  PROPOSE  to  write  a  primer,  as  it  were,  of  the  science 
of  city  government.  I  wish  to  set  citizens  to  thinking. 
Let  them  work  out  their  own  municipal  destiny  in  the 
light  of  common  sense  and  modern  science. 

There  is,  so  far  as  I  know,  not  one  popular  book  in 
the  English  language  on  municipal  government.  Mau- 
rice Block's  Paris.:  Organisation  Municipale  is  a  very 
entertaining  book,  written  in  a  dialogue  form,  which  en- 
ables any  French  child  to  understand  the  government 
of  the  beautiful  French  capital.  English  and  American 
writers  have  discussed  in  book  form  every  phase  of  po- 
litical science  except  popular  municipal  government. 
This  omission  does  not  wholly  account  for  the  faults  of 
city  government  in  the  United  States ;  but,  if  intelligent 
men  had  studied  in  text-books  the  science  of  city  gov- 
ernment as  they  learn  the  principles  of  political  econ- 
omy in  high  schools  and  colleges,  it  is  not  too  much  to 
say  that  our  cities  would  be  better  ruled. 

It  is  said  that  "  comparisons  are  odious,"  but  every 
well-informed  person  must  admit  that  in  comparing 
American  cities  with  those  of  the  Old  World  we  suffer 
by  the  comparison.     Take,  for  example,  the  oldest  large 

(vii) 


viii  PREFACE. 

cities  in  the  United  States — New  York,  Philadelphia 
and  Brooklyn.  No  intelligent  observer  can  deny  that 
their  governments  are  vastly  inferior  to  those  of  Lon- 
don, Birmingham  and  Glasgow  in  Great  Britain ;  or  to 
Paris,  Berlin  and  Vienna  on  the  Continent. 

Americans  should  be  eager  to  learn  from  the  cities 
and  towns  of  older  countries  whenever  they  have  any- 
thing to  teach.  In  all  branches  of  civic  administration 
the  local  authorities  of  Berlin  have  been  willing  to  learn 
from  other  cities  in  Europe,  and  to  adopt  whatever  im- 
provements they  can  apply  to  their  own  government. 
In  many  respects  I  think  the  American  people  may 
learn  much  from  them,  and  I  hope  we  shall  soon  follow 
their  example. 

There  is  in  many  cities  such  a  suspicion  attached 
to  the  ordinary  city  hall  politicians  that  the  better  class 
of  citizens  do  not  wish  to  associate  with  them ;  and  it 
will  not  be  denied  that  most  of  the  members  of  our  City 
Councils  are  vastly  inferior  to  those  of  the  national 
Congress  or  even  of  the  State  Legislatures.  It  is  the 
duty  of  good  Americans  to  set  about  at  once  to  obliter- 
ate the  stigma  that  is  attached  to  the  word  alderman. 
The  agitation  concerning  the  municipal  problem  is 
comparatively  recent.  The  founders  of  this  Govern- 
ment took  no  account  of  the  cities.  Now,  as  I  explain 
in  Chapter  I,  a  third  of  our  population  reside  in  cities, 
and  the  four  largest  municipalities  contain  nearly  one 
tenth  of  the  population  of  the  United  States.  The 
municipal  problem  is  becoming  a  subject  of  absorbing 
interest,  and  is  now  receiving  in  the  large  cities  more 


PREFACE.  ix 

attention  perhaps  than  any  other  public  question.  It 
is  a  principle  of  government  that  a  citizen  must  per- 
form a  certain  amount  of  duty  to  his  State,  county,  city 
or  town.  In  certain  cities  of  Europe  municipal  service 
is  compulsory,  and  failure  to  perform  it  results  in  an 
increase  of  taxation. 

I  commend  Chapter  XVIII  (on  elections)  to  the 
careful  attention  of  the  reader,  for  good  municipal 
government  must  rest  upon  good  election  laws  strictly 
enforced.  At  this  moment  the  unsolved  problem  of 
"  home  rule  "  is  under  discussion  by  the  Convention  to 
revise  the  Constitution  of  New  York,  and  it  seems  as  if 
the  principle  will  be  recognized.  But  it  goes  without 
saying  that  a  city  is  not  ruled  by  its  charter,  and  unless 
better  men  serve  in  our  city  halls,  home-rule  principles 
and  new  charters  will  be  of  little  avail. 

In  the  preparation  of  this  volume  I  have  received 
much  assistance  from  the  officials  of  our  chief  cities  as 
well  as  from  many  personal  friends.  I  desire  to  record 
my  grateful  sense  of  obligation  to  my  friend,  Mr.  Lewis 
L.  Delafield,  of  the  New  York  bar.  My  thanks  are  also 
due  to  the  following  gentlemen :  Hon.  J.  B.  Eustis, 
U.  S.  Ambassador  to  France ;  Hon.  George  F.  Parker, 
U.  S.  Consul  at  Birmingham ;  the  late  Hon.  William 
H.  Edwards,  U.  S.  Consul  at  Berlin ;  Hon.  Allen  B. 
Morse,  U.  S.  Consul  at  Glasgow ;  Hon.  William  K. 
Ackerman,  Comptroller  of  Chicago ;  Hon.  Ferdinand 
C.  Latrobe,  Mayor  of  Baltimore ;  Hon.  Edwin  S.  Stuart, 
Mayor  of  Philadelphia;  Hon.  Charles  A.  Schieren, 
Mayor    of    Brooklyn;    Hon.    Nathan   Matthews,   Jr., 


X  PREFACE. 

Mayor  of  Boston ;  Hon.  Cyrus  P.  Walbridge,  Mayor  of 
St.  Louis ;  Hon.  William  S.  Cowherd,  Mayor  of  Kansas 
City;  Hon.  H.  S.  Pingree,  Mayor  of  Detroit;  Hon. 
Charles  F.  Bishop,  Mayor  of  Buffalo;  Hon.  Caleb  T. 
Denny,  Mayor  of  Indianapolis ;  Hon.  John  B.  Mosby, 
Mayor  of  Cincinnati ;  Hon.  L.  R.  Ellert,  Mayor  of  San 
Francisco ;  Hon.  P.  F.  Wanser,  Mayor  of  Jersey  City ; 
Hon.  Anson  G.  McCook,  Hon.  John  C.  O'Conor,  Hon. 
M.  C.  D.  Borden,  Mr.  J.  W.  Howard  and  Mr.  J.  Noble 
Hayes,  of  New  York ;  Mr.  J.  G.  Rosengarten,  of  Phila- 
delphia ;  Mr.  Richard  H.  Dana,  of  Boston ;  and  Mr. 
Moses  J.  Wentworth  and  Mr.  Thomas  F.  Judge,  of 
Chicago.  A.  R.  C. 

New  Yoek,  August  J,  1894. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  PAGK 

I. — The  Government  of  American  Cities  ...  1 

II.— The  Mayor 27 

III. — Boards  of  Aldermen 40 

IV. — Public  Parks .        .        .53 

V. — The  Fire  Department   .        .        .        .        .        .64 

VI. — The  Police  Department 71 

VII. — Police  Courts 84 

VIII.— Excise 90 

IX. — Water,  Gas  and  Electricity        ....  94 

X. — Streets Ill 

XI. — Street-cleaning 123 

XII. — Street  Pavements- 138 

XIII.— Public  Works 149 

XIV. — Charitable  Institutions 160 

XV. — Public  Schools  and  Trade  Schools    .        .        .  163 

XVI. — Finance  and  Taxation 168 

XVII. — Municipalization 177 

XVIII.— Elections 189 

XIX.— The  Remedies 208 

XX. — The  Greater  New  York  Charter      .        .        .  221 

Index 239 

(xi) 


LIST  OP  AUTHORITIES. 

For  further  information  on  the  subject  of  Munici- 
pal Government  in  the  United  States  the  student  should 
consult  the  following  works : 

Municipal  Corporations,  by  John  F.  Dillon. 

Public  Corporations,  by  Charles  F.  Beach. 

Comparative  Administrative  Law,  by  Frank  J.  Goodnow. 

Public  Debts,  by  Henry  C.  Adams. 

The  Municipal  History  of  Boston,  by  Josiah  Quincy. 

Handbook  for  Philadelphia  Voters,  compiled  by  Charles  A. 
Brinley,  with  an  Introduction  by  Prof.  E.  J.  James. 

The  Municipal  Development  of  Philadelphia,  1881-1887,  by  E. 
P.  Allinson  and  B.  Penrose. 

The  City  Government  Qi  Philadelphia,  published  by  the  Whar- 
ton School  of  Finance  and  Economy. 

The  American  Commonwealth  (the  chapters  on  Cities),  by 
James  Bryce. 

The  Johns  Hopkins  University  Series  in  Historical  and  Polit- 
ical Science  (especially  the  fifth  series). 

Report  of  the  New  York  State  Commission  to  investigate  the 
City  of  New  York,  1877,  William  M.  Evarts  chairman. 

Reports  of  the  New  York  Senate  Committee  on  Cities,  J.  Sloat 
Fassett  chairman,  1890,  five  volumes. 

The  Municipal  Problem,  by  Amos  Parker  Wilder. 

The  Bibliography  of  Municipal  Government  and  Reform  in 
the  Proceedings  of  the  National  Conference  for  Good  City  Gov- 
ernment held  at  Philadelphia  in  January,  1894,  published  by  the 
Municipal  League. 

Sewerage  and  Land  Drainage,  by  George  E.  Waring,  Jr. 

Annual  Cyclopaedia.  The  article,  Recent  Growth  of  American 
Cities. 

This  list  does  not  include  foreign  works.  Maurice 
Block's  writings  on  Municipal  Government,  especially 
on  the  city  of  Paris,  may  be  studied  with  advantage. 

Numerous  magazine  articles  bearing  on  this  subject 
have  appeared  in  the  United  States  and  England  since 
1890.  They  are  chiefly  found  in  The  Forum,  The 
Century  Magazine,  The  North  American  Review,  The 
Nineteenth  Century  and  The  Review  of  Reviews. 

(xiii) 


REMARKABLE   EVENTS  IN  THE  HISTORY  OF 
AMERICAN  CITIES. 

1565.  St.  Augustine,  Fla.,  founded  by  the  Spaniards.  Oldest  town 
in  the  United  States.     Incorporated  in  1824. 

1680.  Charleston,  S,  C,  founded ;  the  inliabitants  of  two  towns  of 
the  same  name  removing  thither  for  the  purpose. 

1686.  The  Dongan  (first)  charter  of  the  city  of  New  York  granted. 

1686.  Albany  chartered.  Oldest  incorporated  city  in  the  United 
States. 

1691.  The  William  Penn  (first)  charter  of  Philadelphia  granted. 

1730.  The  Montgomery  charter  of  New  York  granted. 

1790.  Public  school  first  opened  to  girls  in  Boston. 

1791.  Washington  founded  and  called  the  "  Federal  City "  by 

George  Washington.    It  was  incorporated  in  1802. 
1797.  First  charter  of  Baltimore  granted. 
1809.  New  Orleans  chartered.     Founded  in  1719. 
1801.  Completion  of  the  first  municipal  waterworks  in  the  United 

States  at  Philadelphia. 
1814.  Cincinnati  became  a  city. 
1816.  Pittsburg  chartered. 

1822.  The  first  charter  of  Boston  granted ;  the  town  founded  in 

1630. 

1823.  St.  Louis  incorporated. 

1830.  Detroit  became  a  city. 

1831.  First  street-car  service  on  New  York  and  Harlem  Railroad. 

1832.  Buffalo  chartered. 

1835.  First  charter  of  Brooklyn  granted.     Other  charters  in  1855 

and  1881. 
1837.  Chicago  incorporated. 

1841.  First  municipal  gas-works  established  at  Philadelphia. 
1850.  San  Francisco  chartered. 
1862.  George  Opdyke  elected  as  the  only  Republican  Mayor  of 

New  York. 

1871.  Downfall  of  the  Tweed  ring  in  New  York, 

1872.  William  F.  Havemeyer  elected  reform  Mayor  of  New  York. 

1873.  A  new  charter  for  the  city  of  New  York. 

1879.  Completion  of  the  Cincinnati  Southern  liailway,  the  first 
railroad  built  by  municipal  enterprise. 

1881.  Election  of  a  Republican  Mayor  in  Brooklyn  (Seth  Low). 

1882.  The  new  charter  for  Brooklyn  took  effect. 

1883.  Completion  of  the  bridge  over  the  East  River,  built  by  the 

cities  of  New  York  and  Brooklyn  (opened  May  24th). 

1885.  The  Bullitt  charter  for  Philadelphia  granted. 

1886.  Uprising  of  anarchists  in  Chicago,  followed  by  execution  of 

four  and  imprisonment  for  life  of  several  leaders. 
1891.  Mafia  massacre  at  New  Orleans. 
1893.  Colossal  registration  and  election  frauds  in  the  city  of  New 

York,  followed  by  numerous  indictments,  many  of  the 

offenders  being  convicted. 

(xiv) 


CITY   GOVERNMENT. 


CHAPTER  I. 

GOVERNMEKT   OF  AMERICAN   CITIES. 

A  CITY  is  a  municipal  corporation.  Its  chief  func- 
tions are  administrative  rather  than  political,  as  that 
term  is  generally  understood,  and  it  should  be  governed 
like  any  business  corporation.  It  is  legally  composed 
of  the  inhabitants  within  its  limits;  for  in  one  sense 
every  voter  may  be  termed  a  member  of  the  corpora- 
tion, and  every  taxpayer  may  be  regarded  as  a  stock- 
holder or  bondholder.  The  city  possesses,  in  common 
with  most  other  corporations,  the  privilege  of  elect- 
ing, by  the  votes  of  its  members,  its  own  directors  or 
trustees. 

In  most  of  our  American  cities  the  right  of  the 
members,  or  stockholders,  to  vote  is  not,  as  a  rule,  re- 
stricted by  any  property  qualifications — i.  e.,  it  is  unne- 
cessary to  be  a  bondholder  or  taxpayer  to  exercise  the 
right  of  suffrage.'  In  some  cities  an  expenditure  for  a 
new  public  work  can  not  be  made  without  the  approval 
of  a  majority  of  the  taxpayers.  Every  member  of  a 
municipal  corporation  may  generally  hope  to  become  a 

(1) 


2  GOVERNMENT  OF  AMERICAN  CITIES. 

director.  In  other  words,  there  is  no  privileged  class 
of  electors  and  any  citizen  may,  if  he  please,  aspire  to 
office.  The  director,  or  trustee,  should  never  forget 
that  he  represents,  not  solely  the  majority  that  elects 
him,  but  all  the  members  of  the  municipality.  Unfor- 
tunately, the  history  of  American  cities  shows  that  the 
ordinary  officeholder  constantly  violates,  morally  if  not 
legally,  his  oath  of  office. 

Mr.  James  Bryce,  in  The  American  Commonwealth, 
vol.  i,  page  606,  says  :  "  Two  tests  of  practical  efficiency 
may  be  applied  to  the  government  of  a  city  :  What  does 
it  provide  for  the  people  and  what  does  it  cost  the  peo- 
ple ?  "  The  voter,  and  especially  the  taxpayer,  wishes 
an  equivalent  for  the  money  paid  out  in  taxation,  be  it 
a  direct  tax  or  a  poll  tax.  The  elector  of  a  badly  gov- 
erned city  says  to  himself, "  Why  are  my  taxes  so  high  ?  " 
and  if  no  one  can  give  him  a  satisfactory  explanation, 
he  is  inclined  to  vote  against  the  political  party  or  fac- 
tion in  power.  Nothing  arouses  a  voter  so  quickly  as 
touching  his  "pocket  nerve."  The  American  people  will 
stand  almost  anything  except  high  taxes.  A  good  ex- 
ample of  this  fact  is  shown  in  the  contemporaneous  his-, 
tory  of  New  York  and  Brooklyn.  The  tyrannical  poli- 
ticians who  for  the  past  five  years  have  governed  the 
city  of  New  York  are  able  to  remain  in  power  on  ac- 
count of  the  low  rate  of  taxation.  The  assessed  valua- 
tion of  realty  and  personalty  is  yearly  increased  by  the 
sum  of  about  870,000,000.*     Hence,  although  the  an- 

*  The  increase  for  1893  reached  the  unprecedented  sum  of 
$105,254,253. 


RATE  OF  TAXATION.  3 

nual  expenditures  of  the  city  increase,  the  tax  rate 
slightly  decreases.  In  the  newer  parts  of  the  town 
the  assessed  value  of  real  estate  is  raised  from  year  to 
year,  so  that  if  the  freeholder  examines  his  tax  bill  he 
will  see  that  he  pays  a  higher  aggregate  amount,  al- 
though the  tax  rate  may  be  lower.  This  fact,  however, 
does  not  influence  the  ordinary  elector,  for  the  reason 
that  probably  not  more  than  one  tenth  of  the  voting 
population  are  freeholders.  The  assessed  valuation  of 
the  personal  property  of  the  average  individual  does  not 
materially  change  from  year  to  year. 

It  is  a  sad  commentary  on  the  alleged  intelligence  of 
an  American  urban  elector  to  see  him  vote  annually,  on 
national  or  State  party  lines,  for  a  ring  that  furnishes 
him  daily  with  evidence  of  its  incompetency,  extrava- 
gance and  dishonesty.  Suppose,  for  example,  that  the 
tax  rate  of  a  large  city  is  low — say,  1"25  per  cent. — i.  e., 
$1.25  on  a  hundred  dollars.  If  the  citizen  is  reasonably 
prosperous  in  his  occupation,  he  will  overlook  filthy 
and  badly  paved  streets,  defective  sewerage,  a  scanty 
and  polluted  water  supply,  insufficient  public-school  ac- 
commodation for  his  neighbor's  children,  a  venal  police 
force  controlled  by  the  boss  of  the  city,  a  bribed  City 
Council  voting  away  valuable  franchises  for  a  nominal 
sum,  corrupt  police  magistrates  administering  justice 
for  the  benefit  of  the  ring,  the  payment  of  double  the 
market  price  for  supplies  in  the  city  departments 
and  a  score  of  other  abuses.  A  mistaken  party  zeal 
blinds  the  ordinary  voter  to  these  alarming  conditions, 
which  stand  as  a  growing  menace  to  popular  govern- 


4  GOVERNMENT  OF  AMERICAN  CITIES. 

ment.*  Year  after  year  the  well-intending  partisan 
votes — if  he  votes  at  all — the  ticket  of  his  fathers,  re- 
gardless of  change  of  conditions  and  the  obligations  of 
civic  duty,  as  long  as  his  taxes  are  apparently  not 
increased. 

But  when  the  tax  rate  rises,  then  the  taxpayer  rises 
in  his  might  to  defeat  his  political  oppressors.  The 
voters  of  Brooklyn,  at  the  municipal  election  of  1893, 
illustrated  this  fact  when  a  Democratic  majority  of 
23,000  in  1892  was  changed  to  a  Republican  majority 
of  32,000 ;  and  this  political  revolution  was  accom- 
plished despite  gross  election  frauds  and  treachery  on 
the  part  of  some  of  the  local  Republican  "  statesmen." 

I  wish  to  emphasize  the  fact  that  bad  city  govern- 
ment is  7iot  a  partisan  matter :  Republican  Philadelphia 
and  Cincinnati  are  as  badly  ruled  as  Democratic  New 
York,  Chicago  and  New  Orleans.  Political  reformers 
are  prone  to  say  that  the  only  means  of  municipal  sal- 
vation is  a  transfer  of  power  to  the  opposite  party. 
They  begin  city  campaigns  with  the  cry  of  "  anything 
to  beat  the  Democrats — or  Republicans,"  as  the  case 
may  be ;  but  long  experience  has  shown  that  the  mere 
substitution  of  one  set  of  politicians  for  another  is  not 
the  real  remedy. 

The  defective  municipal  governments  of  the  United 
States  may  be  partly  explained  by  the  rapid  growth  of 
cities,  and  the  ignorance,  venality  and  lack  of  foresight 

*  Mr.  Gladstone  recently  said,  "  The  great  danger  in  a  popu- 
lar government  is,  that  the  people  may  forget  the  art  oi  gov- 
ernment." 


GROWTH  OF  CITIES.  5 

of  their  rulers.  In  1789,  when  George  Washington  was 
first  inaugurated,  but  three  per  cent  of  the  population 
lived  in  cities.  In  1800  there  were  only  six  cities  in  the 
United  States  with  a  population  exceeding  8,000.  The 
largest  city  had  fewer  than  75,000  inhabitants.  At  that 
time  but  four  per  cent  of  the  American  people  resided 
in  cities  having  populations  of  8,000  and  upward.  This 
class  of  cities  had  increased  to  141  in  the  year  1860  and 
to  437  in  1890.  The  same  cities  in  1860  contained  six- 
teen per  cent  of  the  population  and  in  1890  twenty- 
nine  per  cent.  In  other  words,  about  one  third  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States  now  (1894)  live  in  cities, 
and  the  four  largest  cities  contain  nearly  ten  per  cent 
of  the  entire  population.  The  increase  of  the  urban 
population  is  so  great  that  better  municipal  govern- 
ment is  essential  to  the  life  of  the  nation. 

The  older  States  show  a  rapid  increase  in  the  urban 
population.  It  appears  that  sixty-one  per  cent  of  the 
population  of  the  State  of  New  York  now  dwell  in  cities 
containing  8,000  persons  and  upward.  The  number  of 
urban  inhabitants  in  some  of  the  Western  States  increases 
in  greater  proportion.  If  these  cities  are  well  governed, 
a  vast  number  of  our  people  are  well  governed. 

Excepting  Philadelphia,  nearly  all  our  larger  towns 
have,  for  the  past  ten  years,  been  ruled  by  the  Demo- 
cratic political  party.  In  Chicago  a  Eepublican  mayor 
was  elected'' in  1891,  but  this  was  owing  to  four  candi- 
dates standing  for  office. 

The  material  prosperity  of  a  city  depends  to  some  ex- 
tent on  good  government.     If  the  city  be  clean  and  well 


6  GOVERNMENT  OP  AMERICAN  CITIES. 

paved,  and  provided  with  beautiful  buildings,  parks  and 
monuments,  it  attracts  residents  of  neighboring  towns. 

In  England,  the  country  gentleman  goes  with  his 
family  to  London  for  the  "season"  and  in  France  to 
Paris.  The  same  practice  is  common  in  the  United 
States,  but  especially  in  New  York  and  Washington 
during  winter.  The  well-to-do  country  family  is  often 
attracted  to  a  large  city  by  business  and  pleasure,  by 
operas,  theatres  and  festivals.  The  children  take  ad- 
vantage of  the  opportunities  for  the  study  of  art,  music 
and  literature,  and  for  higher  education  in  general.  If, 
then,  the  chief  city  of  a  State  is  beautified  or  made  at- 
tractive, the  floating  population  contributes  in  no  slight 
degree  to  its  mercantile  prosperity.  But  if  the  city  is 
cursed  by  a  political  ring,  the  inhabitants  lose  the  trade 
and  benefits  of  a  well-governed  municipality,  and  the 
"  boss  "  is  indifferent  to  their  welfare  so  long  as  he  en- 
riches himself  at  the  public  expense. 

One  cause  of  high  taxation  in  cities  is  the  exorbitant 
salaries  paid  to  officials.  It  is  wise  to  give  large  com- 
pensation to  but  one  class  of  public  officers — i.  e.,  the 
judges — because,  if  not  liberally  paid,  they  might  be 
tempted  to  sell  their  decisions.  The  safety  of  the  na- 
tion and  the  State,  as  well  ns  that  of  the  city,  depends 
upon  a  pure  and  courageous  judiciary.  I  may,  perhaps, 
add  to  this  class  of  well-paid  public  servants  the  Mayor, 
especially  where  he  has  absolute  power  to  appoint  and 
remove  his  subordinates  and  heads  of  departments. 

The  Mayor  of  Philadelphia  receives  a  yearly  salary 
of  $12,000  and  the  Mayor  of  New  York  $10,000.    Ex- 


MUNICIPAL  SALARIES.  ^        7 

cepting  the  President  of  the  United  States,  several  am- 
bassadors and  ministers  to  foreign  countries  and  the 
Collector  of  the  Port  of  New  York,  there  are  no  offi- 
cials in  the  General  Government  who  receive  so  large  a 
compensation  as  the  Mayor  of  Philadelphia. 

Some  public  officers  in  the  city  and  county  of  New 
York  receive  very  liberal  compensation.  The  annual 
salary  of  the  Chamberlain  or  County  Treasurer  is  $25,- 
000,  but  the  compensation  of  his  clerks  and  assistants 
must  be  wholly  paid  out  of  this  sum.  The  Justices  of 
the  Supreme  Court  are  paid  $17,500  a  year,  of  which 
16,000  is  appropriated  from  the  State  treasury.  The 
annual  salary  of  the  Judges  of  the  Superior  Court  and 
Court  of  Common  Pleas  is  $15,000.  The  yearly  com- 
pensation paid  to  other  officials  of  the  city  and  county 
of  New  York  is  as  follows:  Sheriff,  $20,000;  County 
Clerk,  $15,000;  Eegister,  $12,000;  Recorder,  City  Judge, 
and  Judges  of  the  Court  of  General  Sessions,  $12,000 ; 
Corporation  Counsel^  $12,000;  Police  Justices,  $8,000. 
The  annual  salary  of  the  Governors  of  New  York, 
Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey  is  $10,000. 

In  the  large  municipalities  the  deputy  commission- 
ers, clerks  and  messengers  receive  oftentimes  an  ab- 
surdly high  stipend,  out  of  all  proportion  to  the  serv- 
ices rendered.  Their  pay  is  much  higher  than  that  of 
corresponding  positions  in  private  life.  The  business 
hours  are  rarely  more  than  seven,  and  in  the  cities  of 
New  York  the  half  holiday  is  kept  throughout  the  year. 
Excepting  officials  that  give  bonds  for  the  faithful  per- 
formance of  their  duties  (who  for  self-protection  must 


8  GOVERNMENT  OF  AMERICAN  CITIES. 

employ  competent  clerks),  many  of  the  public  servants 
are  men  who  would  not  be  trusted  in  a  responsible  place 
by  any  merchant  in  the  community. 

Concerning  the  policy  of  paying  no  salaries  to  elec- 
tive officers,  there  is  much  to  be  said  on  both  sides. 
The  rule  seems  to  be,  that  the  principal  unsalaried 
elective  municipal  officers  are  the  select  and  common 
councilmen  of  Philadelphia,  the  councilmen  or  upper 
house  of  Boston,  the  councilmen  in  New  Orleans  and 
the  aldermen  in  some  of  the  smaller  cities.  The  excuse 
sometimes  given  for  paying  elective  officers  is,  that  they 
must  contribute  to  a  campaign  fund. 

The  ordinary  taxpayer  grumbles  more  at  the  high 
salaries  of  the  officeholders  than  at  any  other  item  of 
municipal  expenditure.  This  may  be  explained  on  the 
ground  that  so  many  city  officials  are  ward  "  heelers " 
and  are  appointed  for  political  reasons. 

But  the  worst  class  of  public  officers  are  not  usually 
employed  in  clerical  positions  by  the  municipalities. 
They  are  sent  to  the  Boards  of  Aldermen,  to  the  City 
Councils  and  to  the  Lower  House  of  the  State  Legisla- 
tures.* f 

*  The  reader  may  be  interested  in  a  conversation  between  a 
former  Governor  of  New  York  and  a  late  Speaker  of  the  As- 
sembly, which  the  latter  recently  repeated  to  me.  It  ran  as  fol- 
lows: "Governor,"  said  my  friend.  "  why  does  your  party  send 
such  scoundrels  from  the  large  cities!  The  loftiest  occup)ation 
that  mankind  can  engage  in  is  the  making  of  laws.  Why  don't 
your  people  appoint  these  fellows  in  the  city  departments?" — 
"They  can't  write,"  said  the  Governor. — "Then  why  are  they  not 
employed  in  the  offices  of  the  city  treasurer! "  The  Executive 
replied :  "  Because  they  will  steal  the  money.    We  must  put  them 


CORRUPT  LEGISLATORS.  9 

The  municipal  leaders  generally  bid  for  the  support 
of  the  worst  elements,  because  they  know  by  experience 
that  their  influence  means  thousands  of  votes.  If  the 
police  are  tools  of  the  ring,  the  criminals  can  falsely 
register  and  "  repeat "  at  the  polls  with  impunity.  It 
is  owing  to  a  colossal  and  studied  system  of  fraud  that 
the  criminal  class  and  their  allies  govern  to  a  great  ex- 
tent the  large  cities,  and  this  sad  state  of  affairs  will 
exist  as  long  as  the  honest  citizens  refuse  to  vote  to- 
gether in  municipal  elections.  (See  chapter  on  Elec- 
tions.) 

The  character  of  the  average  city  legislator  is  well 
known  to  those  who  come  in  contact  with  him;  but 
for  the  benefit  of  the  closet  student  of  American  munici- 
pal government,  I  give  an  extract  from  a  nonpartisan 
report  on  the  representatives  of  the  city  of  New  York 
in  the  Legislature.  The  description  will  generally  ap- 
ply to  the  aldermen  of  American  cities.  The  Eighth 
Annual  Record  of  Assemblymen  and  Senators  from  the 
city  of  New  York,  published  by  the  City  Reform  Club, 
referring  to  a  very  prominent  Assemblyman,  says :  "  He 
received  six  or  seven  years'  schooling  in  the  public 
schools  of  this  city.  His  early  associations  were  not 
good.  He  was  employed  in  various  newspaper-delivery  • 
offices  for  several  years.  He  afterward  became  a  liquor 
dealer,  then  an  undertaker,  then  a  liquor  dealer  again. 

where  they  will  do  the  least  harm  to  the  taxpayers."  My  friend 
hesitated  and  finally  remarked,  "Yes,  you  elect  them  to  the 
Legislature  and  City  Council,  and  thus  give  them  a  chance  to 
pick  the  pockets  of  the  property  owners  by  their  infamous  '  strikes ' 
and  blackmailing  measures." 


10  GOVERNMENT  OP  AMERICAN  CITIES. 

Last  year  he  called  himself  a  lawyer  and  this  year  a 
plumber.    As  a  matter  of  fact,  he  has  recently  opened  a 

new  saloon  at  35 Street.     He  does  not  use  tobacco, 

nor  drink  intoxicating  liquors.  .  .  .  He  belongs  to  the 
worst  class  of  barroom  politicians.  He  has  engaged  in 
street  brawls,  poses  as  a  fighter  and  is  a  typical  New 
York  *  tough.'  As  a  legislator  he  is  preposterous.  He 
is  dishonest  and  has  been  accused  upon  the  floor  of  the 
House  of  using  money  to  defeat  certain  bills.  .  .  .  Al- 
together he  is  perhaps  the  most  dangerous  man  that 
the  city  has  ever  sent  to  Albany"  *  Another  Assembly- 
man is  thus  described :  "  He  was  born  in  New  York 
city,  of  American  parents.  He  was  educated  in  the 
public  schools  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar.  .  .  .  He 
had  no  conception  of  his  duties  and  seemed  lacking  in 
ordinary  intelligence.  ...  He  associated  with  and  fol- 
lowed the  lead  of  the  most  corrupt  element  in  the 
Legislature.  The  story  of  his  unsuccessful  journey  to 
an  interior  town,  at  much  personal  discomfort  in  mid- 
winter, for  the  purpose  of  demanding  a  sum  of  money 
for  his  vote  in  favor  of  a  bill  making  a  small  appropri- 
ation for  a  charitable  institution,  is  public  property.  It 
is  supposed  that  his  simple-minded  attempts  to  strike 
various  interests  will  prevent  his  return  to  the  As- 
sembly." Let  me  remind  the  reader  that  the  city 
of  New  York  is  practically  ruled  by  the  State  Legis- 
lature. 

*  This  Assemblyman  formerly  kept  a  saloon  opposite  the  City 
Prison,  which  was  denounced  by  the  Superintendent  of  Police  as 
"  a  resort  of  thieves." 


THE  COUNTRY  MEMBERS.  H 

These  illustrations  from  the  American  metropolis 
may  be  taken  as  typical  of  the  character  of  the  average 
legislator  from  the  slums  of  a  large  municipality.  This 
quasi-crimina].  class  of  city  rulers  are  not  always  in  the 
majority,  but  by  promising  to  vote  for  the  local  bills  of 
a  country  member  they  acquire  great  power.  In  fact, 
the  country  member,  or  "  hayseed,"  does  not  care  for 
the  ordinary  municipal  measure.  For  example,  in  the 
State  of  New  York,  what  can  a  member  from  Cattarau- 
gus County  know  of  a  proposed  law  relating  to  the  city 
of  Brooklyn,  and  vice  versa  ? 

For  many  years  the  salaries  of  the  officials  in  the 
city  of  New  York  have  been  fixed  by  the  State  Legis- 
lature. Acts  are  sometimes  drawn  providing  that  a 
salary  may  be  raised  "  with  the  consent  and  approval  of 
the  Board  of  Estimate  and  Apportionment."  This  is  a 
wise  principle  of  home  rule,  and  in  the  present  state  of. 
municipal  development  and  dormant  civic  pride  it  is 
perhaps  the  best  system  of  regulating  the  salary  list, 
and  hence,  to  a  great  extent,  the  amount  of  tax  to  be 
raised  by  a  municipality. 

Eeform  measures  for  the  better  government  of  cities 
rarely  receive  much  attention  in  the  Legislature  of  a 
State  that  is  ruled  by  the  rings  of  the  large  cities. 
Bills  to  abolish  grave  abuses  may  never  be  reported, 
but  as  a  yearly  protest  all  such  bills  are  beneficial.  It 
never  does  to  remain  silent  in  an  American  community 
because,  for  the  present,  crying  aloud  seems  hopeless. 
If  the  policy  of  despondent  silence  had  been  generally 
followed,  no  ballot-reform  acts  would  have  been  passed, 


12  GOVERNMENT  OP  AMERICAN  CITIES. 

for  several  years  ago  the  mere  suggestion  seemed  to  bo 
an  iridescent  dream. 

The  comparative  cost  of  municipal  government  in 
Europe  and  America  is  easy  to  understand.  Any  per- 
son who  inspects  the  annual  budget  of  the  chief  cities 
of  the  Old  and  the  New  World  will  be  startled  at  the 
economy  of  the  one  and  the  extravagance  of  the  other. 

The  Eight  Honorable  Joseph  Chamberlain,  in  an 
article  on  "  Municipal  Institutions  in  America  and 
England,"  in  the  Forum  for  November,  1892,  makes 
an  interesting  comparison  between  Birmingham  (his 
residence)  and  Boston.*  He  says  the  total  annual 
municipal  expenditure  (excepting  the  appropriations 
for  schools  and  almshouses)  of  Birmingham  is  but 
$1,GG5,000,  while  that  of  Boston  is  $10,194,000,  or  more 
than  six  times  greater  than  the  expenditure  of  Birming- 
ham. The  two  cities  have  much  in  common.  They 
have  about  the  same  population  and  both  are  large 
manufacturing  towns. 

After  discussing  the  enormous  disproportion  be- 
tween the  cost  of  similar  municipal  services  in  Eng- 
land and  the  United  States,  Mr.  Chamberlain  con- 
cludes, "  We  may  at  once  dismiss  the  idea  that  it  is  to 
be  attributed  to  a  more  liberal  franchise,"  and  adds, 
"the  suffrage  is  more  widely  extended  in  Birmingham 
than  in  Boston.  .  .  . 

"A  second  reason  frequently  given  to  account  for 

*  An  American  who  resides  in  Birmingham  informs  me  that 
the  cost  of  living  in  Boston  is  about  fifteen  per  cent  more  than 
in  the  former  city. 


MR.  CHAMBERLAIN'S  IMPRESSIONS.  13 

the  extravagance  of  American  city  expenditure  is  the  al- 
leged existence  of  deliberate  dishonesty  and  corruption 
practiced  on  a  gigantic  scale.  In  the  popularly  elected 
municipalities  of  England  this  does  not  exist  and  has 
never  existed.  It  is  significant,  and  perhaps  suggestive, 
that  in  Ireland  there  have  been  well-grounded  com- 
plaints of  such  practices.  The  notorious  case  of  Dublin, 
where  the  municipality  bought  inferior  paving-stones 
from  Mr.  Parnell's  quarries  at  a  higher  price  than  was 
tendered  for  better  material  by  another  contractor,  and 
the  serious  irregularities  frequently  proved  against  Irish 
boards  of  guardians,  are  cases  in  point ;  but  it  is  doubt- 
ful if,  since  the  passing  of  the  Municipal  Corporations 
Acts  in  1835,  there  has  ever  been  a  single  case  in  con- 
nection with  any  of  the  corporations  under  the  act,  in 
which  there  has  been  any  general  corruption  or  malver- 
sation of  public  funds  or  any  organized  stealing  by  any 
political  combination.  There  have  been  some  isolated 
cases  of  personal  dishonesty  on  the  part  of  particular 
officials,  Just  as  there  are  occasionally  fraudulent  cash- 
iers in  banks  or  thieving  clerks  in  a  mercantile  house, 
but  there  has  been  nothing  which  could  be  particularly 
associated  with  corporate  institutions  or  with  their 
method  of  management." 

Official  figures  in  my  possession  show  that  the  an- 
nual expenditures  of  the  city  of  Berlin,  which  has  about 
the  same  population  as  Nevr  York,  are  but  half  the  sum 
required  for  the  American  metropolis,  although  the 
German  capital  is  much  better  governed.  "But,"  it 
will  be  said,  "  the  prices  of  labor  and  commodities  are 


14  GOVERNMENT  OF  AMERICAN  CITIES. 

much  lower  in  Europe."  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  chief 
difference  is  in  the  items  of  rent  and  wages. 

Americans  are,  in  many  respects,  a  progressive  peo- 
ple ;  but  if  any  one  investigates  the  affairs  of  the  large 
cities  he  will  conclude  that  during  the  past  fifteen 
years  municipal  reform  is  almost  unknown.  Take,  for 
example,  the  report  of  the  commission  of  1877  (of 
which  the  Hon.  William  M.  Evarts  was  chairman), 
appointed  "  to  devise  a  plan  for  the  government  of 
cities  in  the  State  of  New  York."*  These  commis- 
sioners summed  up  the  defects  of  municipal  rule  as 
follows : 

"1.  The  accumulation  of  permanent  municipal 
debt.  In  New  York  city  it  was,  in  1840,  $10,000,000 ; 
in  1850,  $12,000,000;  in  1860,  $18,000,000;  in  1870, 
$73,000,000  ;  in  1876,  $113,000,000. 

"2.  The  excessive  increase  of  the  annual  expendi- 
ture for  ordinary  purposes.  In  1816  the  amount  raised 
by  taxation  was  less  than  one  half  per  cent  on  the  taxable 
property;  in  1850,  1-13  per  cent;  in  1860,  1-69  per 
cent;  in  1870,  2-17  per  cent;  in  1876,  2*67  per  cent. 
.  .  .  The  increase  in  the  annual  expenditure  since  1850, 
as  compared  with  the  increase  of  population,  is  more 
than  four  hundred  per  cent,  and  as  compared  with  the 
increase  of  taxable  property,  more  than  two  hundred 
per  cent." 

The  commissioners  ascribed  the  bad  city  govern- 
ment to  the  following  conditions:    Incompetent  and 

♦  New  York  Assembly  documents,  1877,  vol.  vi,  No.  68,  pp.  46. 


PROPOSED  REMEDIES  FOR  NEW  YORK.         15 

unfaithful  governing  boards  and  officers;  introduction 
of  State  and  national  politics  into  municipal  affairs; 
assumption  by  the  Legislature  of  the  direct  control  of 
local  affairs;  and  the  following  remedies  were  proposed: 

1.  A  limitation  of  the  power  of  the  Legislature  to 
interfere  by  special  acts  with  city  governments  or  the 
conduct  of  municipal  affairs. 

2.  Holding  city  elections  at  a  different  season  of  the 
year  from  State  and  national  elections. 

3.  Vesting  the  legislative  powers  of  municipalities 
in  two  bodies — a  Board  of  Aldermen,  elected  by  (man- 
hood) suffrage,  to  be  the  Council  of  each  city;  and  a 
Board  of  Finance,  consisting  of  six  to  fifteen  members, 
chosen  by  voters  who  had  for  two  years  paid  an  annual 
tax  on  property  assessed  at  not  less  than  $500,  or  a  rent 
(for  either  house  or  rooms)  of  not  less  than  1250.  This 
Board  of  Finance  was  to  have  practically  the  exclusive 
control  of  the  taxation  and  expenditure  of  each  city, 
and  of  the  exercise  of  its  powers  to  borrow  money  or 
to  contract  debts,  and  was  in  some  matters  to  act  only 
by  a  two-thirds  majority. 

4.  Limitations  on  the  borrowing  powers  of  the  city, 
the  concurrence  of  the  Mayor  and  two  thirds  of  the  " 
Legislature,  as  well  as  of  two  thirds  of  the  Board   of 
Finance  being  required  for  any  loan  except  in  anticipa-  . 
tion  of  current  revenue. 

5.  An  extension  of  the  appointing  power  of  the 
Mayor,  the  Mayor  himself  being  liable  to  removal  for 
cause  by  the  Governor. 

It  would  have  been  necessary  to  amend  the  Consti- 


16  GOVERNMENT  OP  AMERICAN  CITIES. 

tution  in  order  to  introduce  all  these  reform  measures. 
The  commission  drafted  several  amendments,  but  the 
members  of  the  Legislature  would  not  allow  them  to  be 
submitted  to  the  voters.  The  proposed  remedies  were 
generally  ignored,  except  in  the  case  of  Brooklyn,  where 
some  of  them  have  been  adopted — especially  the  one 
concerning  the  appointing  power  of  the  Mayor — with 
excellent  results. 

Fourteen  years  have  passed  and  the  history  of  New 
York  city  repeats  itself.  In  the  spring  of  1890  the 
Senate  Committee  on  Cities  made  an  elaborate  inves- 
tigation of  the  government  of  the  metropolis.  They  re- 
ported but  little  progress  and  their  general  conclusions 
were  as  follows : 

"  Our  investigations  result  in  the  conclusions  that 
the  chief  difficulties  which  underlie  the  government  of 
cities  in  this  State  are  fourfold : 

"  First.  Over-legislation  and  too  frequent  yielding 
on  the  part  of  the  Legislature  to  the  importunities  of 
representatives  of  the  various  cities  for  the  passage  of 
special  or  local  bills.  In  our  opinion,  the  Constitution 
should  be  so  amended  as  to  protect  cities  against  the 
power  of  individuals  to  appeal  to  the  Legislature,  and 
to  protect  the  Legislature  from  the  necessity  of  enter- 
taining such  appeals  by  restricting  its  power  to  legisla- 
tion by  general  laws. 

"  Second.  The  absence  of  a  general  law  for  the  gov- 
ernment of  all  cities  in  the  State,  whereby  larger  powers 
should  be  granted  to  local  authorities  and  the  Legisla- 
ture correspondingly  relieved. 


MANY  CHARTER  AMENDMENTS.  17 

"  Third.  The  absence  of  complete  and  accurate  in- 
formation relative  to  municipal  administration,  and,  as 
incident  to  this,  the  necessity  for  the  enactment  of  a 
law  which  shall  require  a  series  of  systematic  annual  re- 
ports to  be  filed  by  each  municipality  with  some  proper 
State  officer,  setting  out  with  sufficient  fullness  and  de- 
tail the  classes  of  administrative  and  financial  facts 
which  we  refer  to  hereafter,  in  order  that  the  Legisla- 
ture and  the  people  may  be  enabled  to  advise  them- 
selves fully,  and  at  all  times,  with  regard  to  the  general 
condition  of  the  governments  of  cities,  so  far  as  the 
same  can  be  made  apparent  by  means  of  an  accurate 
and  systematic  publication  of  reports  showing  the  in- 
debtedness, taxation  and  expenditure  of  such  cities. 

"  Fourth.  The  subordination  of  city  business  to  the 
exigencies  of  State  and  national  politics." 

In  accordance  with  these  conclusions,  the  Senate 
Committee  of  1890  drafted  a  series  of  amendments  to 
the  "consolidation  act"  of  New  York,  yet  none  of 
these  measures  have  since  been  passed  by  any  Legisla- 
ture. Nevertheless,  during  the  period  of  1876  to  1890 
the  few  good  amendments  to. the  laws  relating  to  the 
city  of  New  York  were  passed  generally  in  opposition 
to  the  wishes  of  the  faction  that  ruled  the  city.  This 
was  particularly  true  in  1884. 

To  show  the  variety  of  the  laws  affecting  the  large 
cities,  I  may  say  that  during  ten  years  (1880  to  1889) 
there  were  passed  390  amendments  to  the  charter  and 
laws  concerning  the  city  of  New  York  and  195  amend- 
ments to  the  laws  relative  to  Brooklyn.     The  variety  of 


18  GOVERNMENT  OP  AMERICAN  CITIES. 

the  forms  of  government  is  well  illustrated  by  the  fact 
that,  of  the  thirty-two  chartered  cities  of  New  York, 
with  populations  in  1890  ranging  from  1,515,300  to 
9,416,  the  charters  of  no  two  cities  were  alike.  Each 
city  also  had  a  dififerent  method  of  bookkeeping,  and 
there  was  no  uniform  system  of  assessment  and  valua- 
tion of  property  for  the  purpose  of  taxation. 

The  interference  of  Legislatures  with  the  affairs  of 
cities  was  referred  to  in  the  annual  message  of  the 
Governor  of  New  York  in  1892.  He  then  complained 
that  Legislatures  usurped  the  powers  of  boards  of  alder- 
men and  supervisors,  yet  he  signed  two  bills  for  cities 
at  opposite  ends  of  the  State  which  violated  the  very 
principle  that  he  professed  to  advocate ! 

The  great  variety  in  city  governments  is  illustrated 
by  the  difference  between  the  charters  of  the  munici- 
palities of  New  York  and  Brooklyn.  I  give  in  parallel 
columns  the  names  of  the  departments  of  the  two 
cities: 


New  York,       ^ 

Brooklyn. 

Finance. 

Finance. 

Law. 

Law. 

Public  Charities  and  Correction. 

Audit. 

Taxes  and  Assessments. 

Assessment. 

Police. 

Police  and  Excise. 

Health. 

Health. 

Fire. 

Fire. 

Buildings. 

Buildings. 

Public  Works. 

City  Works. 

Public  Parks. 

Parks. 

Docks. 

Public  Instruction. 

Street  Cleaning. 

Collection. 

Street  Improvements. 

"Arrears. 

^ 

1^      Treasury. 

DIFFERENT  DEPARTMENTS.  19 

Of  the  departments  in  the  city  of  New  York,  the 
heads  of  all  but  two,  the  comptroller  or  city  book- 
keeper, and  the  commissioner  of  street  improvements 
are  appointed  by  the  Mayor.  Of  the  appointive  depart- 
ments, only  five — law,  buildings,  public  works,  street 
cleaning  and  street  improvements — are  governed  by  a 
single  head. 

In  Brooklyn,  all  the  departments  except  the  Excise 
Department  and  the  Bureau  of  Elections,  which  is  a 
branch  of  the  Police  Department,  are  managed  by  a 
single  commissioner.  The  Excise  Department  consists 
of  the  commissioner  of  police,  who  is  president  of  the 
board,  and  two  excise  commissioners.  The  Bureau  of 
Elections  is  a  bipartisan  board  of  four  commissioners. 
The  heads  of  all  the  departments  are  appointive  except 
the  city  auditor  and  the  comptroller. 

The  Mayor  of  Brooklyn  has  more  power  than  the 
Mayor  of  New  York.  The  aldermen  in  New  York  are 
chosen  by  assembly  districts,  while  in  Brooklyn  some 
are  elected  at  large  and  the  rest  by  aldermanic  districts. 

The  reader  will  bear  in  mind  that  these  two  cities 
are  in  the  same  State,  but  on  opposite  sides  of  the  East 
Eiver,  and  that  in  the  general  election  of  November, 
1894,  the  electors  of  the  two  cities  will  vote  upon  the 
long-discussed  proposition  to  unite  •  them  under  one 
government. 

On  the  other  side  of  the  Hudson  lies  Jersey  City, 

where  the  government  is  very  different  from  that  of 

New  York  and   Brooklyn.     In  these  cities  even  the 

boards  that  control  expenditures  are  different.     For 
3 


20  GOVERNMENT  OP  AMERICAN  CITIES. 

example,  in  New  York  the  Board  of  Estimate  and 
Apportionment  is  composed  of  the  Mayor,  President 
of  the  Board  of  Aldermen,  Comptroller,  President  of 
the  Department  of  Taxes  and  Assessments  and  Cor- 
poration Counsel,*  In  Brooklyn,  the  Board  of  Esti- 
mate consists  of  the  Mayor,  Supervisor-at-large,  Comp- 
troller, County  Treasurer  and  City  Auditor.  The  New 
York  Board  of  Estimate  and  Apportion meut  has  for 
nine  years  been  wholly  Democratic.  The  Board  in 
Brooklyn,  under  the  recent  change,  contains  two  Re- 
publicans and  three  Democrats.  In  1893  the  minority 
(Republicans)  had  no  representation  in  that  body,  and 
during  the  past  eight  years  a  majority  of  this  Board 
has  been  Democratic. 

The  power  that  formerly  belonged  to  the  aldermen  of 
New  York  and  Brooklyn  is  now  vested  in  these  ex  officio 
executive  boards  of  the  two  cities.  Many  years  ago  the 
taxpayers  learned  that  the  ordinary  Board  of  Aldermen 
could  not  be  trusted  with  the  government  of  the  city. 
"When  the  rings  are  smashed  and  when  responsible 
citizens  obtain  a  majority  in  the  Common  Councils 
and  abolish  or  obliterate  the  stigma  attached  to  the 
word  "alderman,"  then  it  is  possible  that  their  origi- 
nal powers  may  be  restored. 

Let  me  now  turn  to  Philadelphia,  which,  up  to  1890, 
was  our  second  municipality  both  in  population  and 
area.     A  number  of  the  leading  citizens  of  Philadelphia 


•  The  last-named  official  was  added  to  the  Board  by  the  act 
of  1893. 


THE  PHILADELPHIA  MEMORIAL  OF  1883.       21 

presented  a  memorial  to  the  Pennsylvania  Legislature 
of  1883,  denouncing  the  government  of  their  city  in 
these  words :  "  The  affairs  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia 
have  fallen  into  a  most  deplorable  condition.  The 
amounts  required  annually  for  the  payment  of  interest 
upon  the  funded  debt  and  current  expenses  render  it 
necessary  to  impose  a  rate  of  taxation  which  is  as  heavy 
as  can  be  borne.  In  the  meantime  the  streets  of  the 
city  have  been  allowed  to  fall  into  such  a  state  as  to  be 
a  reproach  and  a  disgrace.  Philadelphia  is  now  recog- 
nized as  the  worst-paved  and  worst-cleaned  city  in  the 
civilized  world.  The  water  supply  is  so  bad  that  during 
many  weeks  of  the  last  winter  it  was  not  only  distasteful 
and  unwholesome  for  drinking,  but  offensive  for  bath- 
ing purposes.  The  effort  to  clean  the  streets  was  aban- 
doned for  months,  and  no  attempt  was  made  to  that 
end  until  some  public-spirited  citizens,  at  their  own  ex- 
pense, cleaned  a  number  of  the  principal  thoroughfares. 
The  system  of  sewerage  and  the  physical  condition  of 
the  sewers  are  notoriously  bad — so  much  so  as  to  be  dan- 
gerous to  the  health  and  most  offensive  to  the  comfort 
of  our  people.  Public  work  has  been  done  so  badly 
that  structures  have  had  to  be  renewed  almost  as  soon 
as  finished.  Others  have  been  in  part  constructed  at 
enormous  expense  and  then  permitted  to  fall  to  decay 
without  completion.  Inefficiency,  waste,  badly  paved 
and  filthy  streets,  unwholesome  and  offensive  water 
and  slovenly  and  costly  management  have  been  the  rule 
for  years  past  throughout  the  city  government." 

Philadelphia  is  now  better  ruled,  but  the  govern- 


22  GOVERNMENT  OP  AMERICAN  CITIES. 

ment  is  still  quite  unsatisfactory  and  vastly  inferior  to 
that  of  the  large  cities  of  Europe. 

The  city  of  Washington  is  in  some  respects  the  best 
governed  municipality,  although  the  most  un-American 
in  form.  It  is  perhaps  only  fair  to  say  that  Washing- 
ton can  not  be  compared  with  badly  ruled  large  cities, 
because  it  is  the  national  capital.  This  municipality, 
with  its  clean  and  spacious  streets,  plentiful  parks  and 
fine  public  buildings,  reminds  the  traveler  of  European 
capitals  rather  than  of  an  American  city.  The  District 
of  Columbia  is  now,  by  act  of  Congress,  a  municipal 
corporation.  It  is  governed  by  a  commission  of  three 
persons,  two  of  whom  must  be  citizens  of  the  District, 
and  the  third  an  ofl&cer  of  the  Corps  of  Engineers  of 
the  Army.  The  supervision  of  the  public  works  is  per- 
formed by  the  engineer  commissioner.  A  majority  of 
the  commission  controls  all  the  departments  of  the  city. 
The  details  of  the  management  of  certain  departments 
are  assigned  to  one  commissioner,  but  for  final  action 
on  important  matters  or  disputes  a  formal  majority  is 
necessary.  The  commission  make  no  laws,  all  the  legis- 
lation of  the  District  being  done  by  Congress.  The 
government  of  the  city  is  practically  controlled  by  the 
Congressional  Committees  on  the  District  of  Columbia. 
Prior  to  the  creation  of  the  commission  for  the  govern- 
ment of  Washington  there  were  a  Governor,  appointed 
by  the  President  and  two  branches  of  the  city  legisla- 
ture elected  by  the  people.  They  began  a  series  of  ex- 
travagant improvements  and  spent  millions  of  dollars 
for  wooden  pavements  which  were  out  of  repair  before 


A  UNIQUE   FORM  OP  GOVERNMENT.  23 

they  were  completed,  increased  a  municipal  debt  to  an 
amount  exceeding  $20,000,000,  and  destroyed  the  city's 
credit,  until  its  bonds  sold  at  thirty-five  cents  on  the 
dollar,  when  Congress  interfered  and  established  the 
present  government.  This  extravagant  administration 
is  known  as  the  "Boss  Shepherd  regime.''''  The  only 
act  of  the  Shepherd  ring  that  may  be  termed  beneficial 
was  the  grading  of  the  streets. 

After  the  new  municipal  government  was  created, 
the  use  of  asphalt  for  pavements  became  general,  and 
Washington  is  now  probably  the  best-paved  city  in  the 
United  States.  The  rate  of  taxation  is  one  and  a  half 
per  cent  on  a  valuation  that  is  frequently  equivalent  to 
the  actual  value  of  the  property.  The  General  Govern- 
ment contributes  an  equal  amount  to  that  raised  by 
taxation,  and  it  owns  about  half  the  property  in  the 
District.  The  city  ordinances  and  regulations  are  ex- 
cellent and  are  generally  enforced. 

One  of  the  most  unique  forms  of  local  government 
is  that  of  Memphis,  Tenn.  In  the  proper  sense  of  the 
word,  it  has  no  charter.  Under  the  law  of  1879  several 
municipalities  were  created  "  Taxing  Districts,  in  order 
to  provide  the  means  of  local  government  for  the  peace, 
safety  and  welfare  of  such  Districts."  The  chief  char- 
acteristics of  this  act  were  a  Board  of  Fire  and  Police 
Commissioners ;  a  Committee  on  Ordinances,  called  the 
"  Legislative  Council  of  the  Taxing  District,"  to  con- 
sist of  the  Commissioners  of  the  Fire  and  Police  Board 
and  the  Supervisors  of  the  Board  of  Public  Works; 
a  Board  of  Health  and  a  Board  of  Public  Works,  to 


24  GOVERNMENT  OF  AMERICAN  CITIES. 

consist  of  five  supervisors.  The  officers  of  the  district 
must  execute  bonds  for  the  faithful  performance  of 
their  duties.  The  (elected)  President  of  the  Board  of 
Fire  and  Police  Commissioners  is  the  executive  officer 
of  the  District  and  it  is  his  duty  to  see  that  all  laws  are 
enforced.  Hence,  there  was  originally  no  Mayor,  but  a 
president  and  a  secretary  of  the  city  of  Memphis.*  The 
president  is,  ex  officio,  a  police  magistrate.  This  pecul- 
iar form  of  government  has  given  much  satisfaction. 

In  the  State  of  Washington  cities  of  the  first  class 
are  allowed  to  adopt  a  charter  that  has  been  formed  by 
fifteen  freeholders,  who  are  elected  by  the  people.  Such 
charters  may  be  at  any  time  amended  in  either  of  two 
ways :  1.  With  the  consent  of  two  thirds  of  the  City 
Council  a  proposition  to  amend  may  be  submitted  to  the 
people,  and  if  a  majority  of  all  the  votes  cast  shall  be 
in  favor  of  the  amendments,  they  shall  become  a  part 
of  the  charter.  2.  The  charter  may  be  amended  by  any 
general  law  of  the  Legislature.  Under  the  Constitution 
of  Missouri  cities  of  over  100,000  inhabitants  may  frame 
their  own  charters,  subject  to  the  Constitution  and  laws 
of  the  State.  The  new  charter  of  Kansas  City  was 
framed  by  a  board  of  thirteen  freeholders,  who  were 
elected  by  the  qualified  voters.  The  organic  law  of 
California  contains  a  provision  for  the  self-government 
of  large  municipalities. 

The  political  revolution  of  Brooklyn  in  1893  has  dis- 
closed an  alarming  condition  of  municipal  affairs.     I 

*  The  president  now  bears  the  title  of  Mayor. 


REFORMS  IN  BROOKLYN.  25 

say  on  page  149  that  "  the  public  works  of  American 
cities  are  perhaps  the  field  of  more  swindling  than  any 
other  department  of  the  municipality."  Brooklyn  fur- 
nishes us  with  an  object-lesson.  For  example,  the  Com- 
missioner of  City  Works  finds  nearly  fifty  sinecures  in 
his  department,  and  he  has  begun  by  abolishing  these 
offices,  at  a  saving  of  $50,000  a  year  to  the  city.  The 
result  is  that  he  has  that  additional  sum  to  expend  upon 
actual  work  for  the  welfare  of  the  public.  Fifty  other 
idlers  in  his  department  are  marked  for  early  discharge ; 
and  the  Commissioner  of  Public  Parks  has  also  dismissed 
seventy-five  men  whose  only  occupation  was  drawing  a 
salary ! 

The  new  Mayor  of  Chicago  (1894)  has  said  that  the 
greatest  danger  of  cities  is  that  of  being  robbed  by  their 
own  officials,  in  the  sense  of  being  burdened  with  ex- 
pensive and  superfluous  officeholders.  In  one  month  he 
directed  the  city  treasurer  to  reduce  his  salary  ten  per 
cent,  and  transfer  it  to  the  general  fund.  For  every 
sinecure  clerk  discharged,  several  men  could  be  put  at 
real  work  in  the  parks  or  on  the  streets  without  aug- 
menting the  appropriation  by  a  single  dollar. 

The  most  deplorable  obstacle  to  the  better  govern- 
ment of  a  city  is  perhaps  the  apology  of  good  and 
prominent  citizens  for  the  incompetent  or  corrupt  can- 
didates of  the  ring.  Even  clergymen  sometimes  mas- 
querade as  such  apologists.  During  the  political  cam- 
paign of  1893  in  the  State  of  New  York  clergymen  in 
more  than  one  city  spoke  in  favor  of  incompetent  can- 
didates for  Mayor,  and  even  for  higher  offices.     One 


26  GOVERNMENT  OP  AMERICAN  CITIES. 

preacher  said,  "  Give  him  another  trial."  American 
writers  on  government  are  inclined  to  adopt  the  max- 
im, "  Principles,  not  men."  In  local  contests  the  reverse 
should  be  the  motto,  for  we  can  do  nothing  without 
Buitable  men.  Principles  do  not  arouse  or  inspire  the 
great  mass  of  voters.  One  honest,  competent  and  cou- 
rageous candidate  for  a  city  office  can  do  more  than  a 
thousand  pages  of  principles  to  fire  the  hearts  of  re- 
spectable electors. 

The  Philadelphia  gas  ring  and  the  Tweed  ring  in 
New  York  were  interesting  episodes  in  the  misgovern- 
ment  of  American  cities,  but  the  scope  of  this  volume 
does  not  permit  an  extended  discussion  of  them. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE   MATOE. 

The  Mayor  is  the  governor  or  chief  magistrate  of  a 
city.  The  word  "mayor"  first  occurs  in  the  year  1189, 
when  Richard  I  substituted  a  Mayor  for  the  two  bailiffs 
of  London.  It  is  his  duty  to  cause  the  laws  and  ordi- 
nances of  the  city  to  be  enforced  and  to  appoint  and 
remove  commissioners  and  inferior  officers.  The  power 
that  Mayors  possess  is  given  to  them  by  local  regula- 
tions, which  vary  in  different  cities.  Every  incoming 
Mayor  of  a  large  American  city  is  confronted  with  a 
municipal  problem,  which  may  be  briefly  described  as 
follows  :  It  is  to  study  the  various  interests  of  the  city, 
constantly  increasing  in  area  as  well  as  in  population  ; 
to  minister  to  the  comfort  and  safety  of  its  inhabitants 
without  the  slightest  partiality  of  political  party,  class, 
or  race ;  to  scrutinize  and,  if  expedient,  to  reduce  ex- 
penditures ;  and  to  instill  economy,  vigilance  and  rigid 
honesty  into  every  branch  of  municipal  affairs. 

In  the  large  cities  of  Europe  the  Mayor  is  not  usu- 
ally elected  by  the  voters,  but  is  chosen  by  the  City 
Council.  The  Mayor  in  some  German  cities  is  ap- 
pointed for  life. 

The  city  of  Berlin  is  presided  over  by  a  "  head  " 

(27) 


28  THE  MAYOR. 

Mayor  ( Ober  Biirgermeister)  and  a  Mayor  {Biirgermeis- 
tcr).  Both  officials  are  paid,  the  former  having  a  salary 
of  $7,500  and  the  latter  $4,500.  In  each  case  the  power 
of  election  vests  in  the  City  Council,  who  are  not  lim- 
ited to  members  of  their  own  body,  nor  even  to  resi- 
dents of  Berlin.  But  the  choice  of  the  City  Council 
{Stadtverordneter  Versammlung)  for  both  offices  is  sub- 
ject to  the  approval  of  the  emperor  (as  King  of  Prus- 
sia), who  may,  without  giving  his  reasons,  veto  the 
election  of  any  one  who  is  not  in  sympathy  with  him. 
The  present  "head"  Mayor  is  Herr  Zelle,  a  Liberal, 
whose  party  is  opposed  to  that  of  the  emperor.* 

In  Paris  the  Prefect  of  the  Seine  corresponds  to  the 
Mayor.  He  has  charge  not  only  of  the  city  of  Paris,  but 
of  the  immediate  vicinity,  which  would  correspond  to 
an  English  or  American  county.  The  Prefect  of  the 
Seine  is  appointed  by  the  Minister  of  the  Interior. 

In  London  the  Court  of  Aldermen  choose  from  their 
number  a  lord-mayor  to  serve  one  year.  He  has  the 
use  of  the  Mansion  House  as  an  official  residence,  and 
receives  an  allowance  of  150,000  for  his  expenses. 

The  history  of  the  election  of  mayors  in  American 
cities  is  interesting.     The  Mayor  of  New  York  city  was 


♦  I  met  Mayor  Zelle  at  the  opening  of  the  new  City  Lunatic 
Asylum  and  he  afterward  conducted  me  through  the  stately  City 
Hall,  explaining  some  of  the  historic  frescoes  in  the  corridors. 
His  dignified  and  courteous  manner  and  his  intelligent  face  indi- 
cated an  ideal  personage  to  serve  as  the  Mayor  of  the  capital  of  a 
great  empire.  1  was  startled  at  the  comparison  of  Herr  Zelle  with 
the  then  Mayor  of  New  York,  who  was  only  a  zealous  ward  poli- 
tician. 


HIS  MODE  OF  ELECTION.  29 

appointed  by  the  Council,  consisting  of  the  Goyernor 
and  four  State  Senators,  up  to  1822  and  then  was 
chosen  by  the  aldermen.  It  was  not  until  1834  that 
the  Mayor  of  this  municipality  was  elected  by  the  quali- 
fied voters.* 

In  Philadelphia  the  Mayor  was  chosen  by  tb  9  City 
Council  as  late  as  the  year  1839.  The  Mayor  of  Boston 
was,  by  the  charter  creating  the  city,  elected  by  the 
popular  vote.  This  charter,  granted  in  1822,  allowed 
the  Mayor  to  be  a  member  of  the  City  Council. f 

At  present  the  Mayors  of  American  cities  are  gener- 
ally elected  by  the  voters.  The  character  of  the  men 
composing  the  Boards  of  Aldermen  and  City  Councils 
has  so  startlingly  deteriorated  that  it  would  not  be  safe 
to  allow  ordinary  City  Councils  to  choose  one  of  their 
number  as  the  chief  executive  officer  of  the  munici- 
pality. The  New  York  taxpayer  trembles  at  the  mere 
suggestion  of  a  "boodle"  alderman  serving  as  Mayor 
even  for  a  single  year.  Yet  perhaps  if  our  Boards  of 
Aldermen  were  empowered  to  elect  the  Mayor,  either 
from  their  own  number  or  from  the  general  body  of 
citizens,  the  people  would  exercise  more  care  in  the 
choice  of  aldermen. 

In  Jacksonville,  Florida  (population  12,000),  the 
Mayor  and  other  municipal  officers  were  elected  by  the 


*  Cornelius  W.  Lawrence  defeated  Gulian  C.  Verplanck  by  a 
small  majority. 

f  See  Dillon  on  Municipal  Corporations,  vol.  i,  chapters  v  and 
vi,  for  an  outline  of  the  ordinary  municipal  charter  in  the  United 
States. 


30  THE  MAYOR. 

City  Council,  which  was  appointed  by  the  Governor, 
under  the  law  of  1889.  This  act  was  passed  for  a 
partisan  purpose,  so  that  the  Republicans,  including 
many  negroes,  who  cast  the  majority  of  the  votes  of 
Jacksonville,  should  not  rule  the  city. 

It  is  perhaps  the  most  flagrant  violation  of  "  home 
rule"  in  recent  American  municipal  legislation.  The 
act  of  1889  was  amended  in  1893,  so  that  the  Mayor, 
comptroller  and  treasurer  are  now  elected  by  qualified 
voters,  under  an  elective  system  modeled  after  the  Aus- 
tralian plan.  The  first  election  was  held  July  18,  1893, 
and  elections  are  henceforth  to  be  held  biennially.  The 
Mayor's  salary  is  but  twenty-five  dollars  a  month. 

The  Mayor's  term  of  office  varies  from  one  to  four 
years.  In  Boston  and  Providence,  and  in  the  smaller 
cities,  the  term  is  one  year.  In  Philadelphia  his  term 
is  four  years  and  he  is  not  re-eligible.  In  St.  Louis 
and  New  Orleans  the  term  is  four  years.  In  New 
York,  Brooklyn,  Chicago,  Baltimore,  San  Francisco, 
Detroit  and  most  of  the  other  large  cities,  the  Mayor 
holds  office  for  two  years.  The  term  is  three  years  in 
Cincinnati  and  Buffalo. 

The  Mayor  of  the  city  of  New  York  had  formerly 
the  control  of  the  police  force  and  was  a  police  magis- 
trate, holding  court  daily.  He  is  still  a  magistrate,  but 
for  many  years  he  has  not  exercised  a  magistrate's 
powers.  Up  to  1884  the  law  provided  that  "  the  Mayor 
shall  nominate  and,  by  and  with  the  consent  of  the 
Board  of  Aldermen,  appoint  the  heads  of  departments 
and  all  commissioners,  except  as  hereinafter  otherwise 


THE  POWER  OP  CONFIRMATION.        .        31 

specially  provided."  This  power  of  confirmation  of  the 
Board  of  Aldermen  was  so  grossly  abused  that  the  May- 
or's nominees  could  rarely,  if  ever,  be  confirmed  with- 
out making  a  bargain  with  the  Common  Council.  In 
many  instances  members  of  the  Board  of  Aldermen  were 
bribed,  either  by  money  or  by  patronage  and  privileges, 
to  confirm  the  nominees  of  the  Executive.  By  the  act 
of  1884  the  confirmatory  power  was  wisely  taken  from 
them,  so  that  the  Mayor  has  now  absolute  power  of 
appointment,  but  he  can  not  remove  an  official  without 
the  consent  of  the  Governor.  The  charter  of  the  city  of 
Brooklyn  allows  the  new  Mayor  to  appoint  the  heads  of 
departments,  upon  the  theory  that  he  will  thus  be  re- 
sponsible for  the  acts  of  his  appointees.  Mr.  Seth  Low, 
who  was  Mayor  from  1882  to  1886,  before  making  ap- 
pointments, pointed  out,  in  his  inaugural  address,  this 
provision  of  the  charter  and  said  that  the  acceptance  of 
an  appointment  at  his  hands  would  be  evidence  to  the 
community  that  the  appointee  had  assured  the  Mayor 
that  his  resignation  could  be  had  whenever  the  Mayor 
asked  for  it ;  in  other  words,  Mayor  Low  had  the  city 
of  Brooklyn  for  a  witness  in  case  of  need. 

There  is  some  difference  of  opinion  in  the  United 
States  concerning  the  wisdom  of  giving  the  Mayor  abso- 
lute power  of  appointment  and  removal.  The  theory 
on  which  American  government  is  founded  is  that  the 
upper  branch  of  an  Assembly  should  consent  to  the 
appointees  of  the  executive  officer.  It  is  so  in  the 
national  Government,  where  the  Senate  confirms  the 
President's  nominees.    In  many  of  the  States  the  upper 


32  THE  MAYOR. 

legislative  body  has  the  power  of  confirming  or  reject- 
ing the  Governor's  nominees  for  State  offices. 

This  principle  in  cities  is  perhaps  good  in  theory, 
but  it  is  bad  in  practice.  The  character  of  the  men 
who  now  compose  an  average  City  Council  is  so  bad  that 
they  can  not  be  trusted  with  the  power  of  confirmation 
of  the  Mayor's  nominees.  That  is  especially  true  where, 
through  a  division  of  the  respectable  voters  of  a  com- 
munity, the  Mayor  belongs  to  a  different  political  party 
or  faction  from  that  of  the  majority  of  the  Board  of 
Aldermen. 

During  the  years  1887  and  1888  the  people  of  New 
York  had,  under  the  administration  of  Mayor  Hewitt, 
a  much  better  class  of  departmental  officers  than  could 
have  been  appointed  under  the  old  law,  which  required 
the  Common  Council  to  confirm  the  Mayor's  nominees. 
Mr.  Hewitt  appointed  generally  men  of  high  standing 
in  the  community,  who  conducted  their  departments 
strictly  upon  business  principles  and  who  would  mostly 
have  been  rejected  by  the  Board  of  Aldermen,  for  during 
the  first  year  of  Mayor  Hewitt's  term  only  four  of  the 
aldermen  were  in  the  habit  of  sustaining  his  veto  mes- 
sages ;  and  in  his  second  year  only  one  alderman  uni- 
formly approved  of  his  executive  acts. 

I  think  the  experience  of  American  cities  will  show 
that  it  is  wise  to  give  the  Mayor  absolute  sway.  He 
should  be  the  king  or  monarch  of  the  city,  and,  with 
the  great  power  and  responsibility  given  to  a  Mayor — 
as  in  the  city  of  Chicago — the  taxpayers  and  good  citi- 
zens, if  they  will  consult  their  own  interests,  will  vote 


HIS   POWER  OF  REMOVAL.  33 

together  and  elect  a  suitable  man.  If  grievances  exist 
in  Chicago,  the  citizens  apply  to  the  Mayor  for  redress. 
The  objection  to  giving  a  Mayor  autocratic  power  of 
removal  is  that  commissioners  or  inferior  officers  be- 
longing to  an  opposition  party  might  be  promptly 
removed  by  an  incoming  municipal  magistrate.*  I 
would  slightly  strengthen  the  title  of  a  meritorious  offi- 
cer by  allowing  him  a  hearing  upon  formal  charges.  If 
the  official  were  incompetent,  it  would  be  easy  to  prefer 
charges  and  public  sentiment  would  sustain  a  Mayor  in 
removing  such  an  officer.  On  the  other  hand,  depart- 
mental officers  that  have  served  several  years  should  not 
be  removed  by  an  incoming  Mayor  simply  to  provide 
for  a  political  place-hunter.  All  officials  of  lower 
grades  should  be  irremovable  except  for  cause. 

In  certain  cities  opposition  to  the  political  ring  that 
misrules  the  town  can  not  be  crystallized  without  the 
assistance  of  some  officeholders.  It  is  deplorable  that 
the  taxpayers  and  the  respectable  electors  can  not  mani- 
fest sufficient  civic  pride  to  rise  in  their  might,  organ- 
ize and  vote  down  a  corrupt  "ring";  and  it  is  a  sad 
commentary  upon  the  supposed  intelligence  of  Ameri- 
can voters  that  they  must  look  to  the  opposition  office- 
holders to  aid  them  in  organizing  a  movement  to  de- 
pose extravagant  or  corrupt  municipal  rulers. 

When,  in  the  city  of  New  York,  it  is  suggested  to 
overthrow  Tammany  Hall,  the  question  is  asked,  "  Who 

*  The  Legislature  of  New  York,  in  1894,  passed  a  bill  giving 
to  the  Mayor  of  the  metropolis  power  to  remove  the  heads  of 
departments,  but  it  was  vetoed  by  Governor  Flower. 


34  THE  MAYOR. 

would  govern  the  city  better  than  Tammany?"  The 
answer  is,  "Any  business  or  professional  man  with  a 
fair  knowledge  of  human  nature,  who  has  been  success- 
ful in  private  life,  and  who  is  known  as  courageous  and 
honest  in  the  community,  could,  if  elected  Mayor,  gov- 
ern the  city  better." 

The  most  important  movement  in  a  misgoverned 
city  is  to  elect  a  competent  and  disinterested  citizen  as 
Mayor,  assuming,  of  course,  that  he  has  the  absolute 
power  of  appointment  and  removal.  He  can  then  rub 
off  the  barnacles  from  the  municipal  ship  and  appoint 
suitable  men  in  all  the  departments.  If  he  be  intelli- 
gent and  honest,  he  will  thus  be  enabled  to  insure  a 
beneficent  administration,  whatever  may  be  the  atti- 
tude or  degree  of  honesty  of  the  remaining  municipal 
officers;  whereas  if  he  be  a  corrupt  official,  his  pos- 
session of  unlimited  power  enables  the  voters  to  fix 
with  certainty  the  responsibility  for  maladministration. 
When  the  requirement  prevails  that  the  Mayor  shall  not 
appoint  without  the  consent  of  other  officers,  or  where 
his  powers  are  otherwise  limited,  the  responsibility  can 
not  be  fixed  with  certainty,  because  it  is  divided. 

The  true  test  of  a  Mayor's  ability  and  capacity  is  in 
his  appointees.  If  they  are  successful  men  in  the  vari- 
ous walks  of  life,  his  administration  will,  generally 
speaking,  be  successful.  On  the  other  hand,  if  a  Mayor 
selects  men  who  have  been  indicted  or  have  narrowly 
escaped  indictment  for  various  crimes — men  who  are 
the  companions  of  criminals — it  is  safe  to  say  that  his 
administration  will  be  a  failure. 


A  NONRESIDENT  MAYOR.  35 

The  apologists  for  bad  Mayors  say  that  public  offi- 
cers should  not  be  judged  by  their  previous  lives.  Such 
apologists  refer  to  vicious  men  under  indictment  who 
have  been  appointed  to  high  municipal  stations  and 
who  have  conducted  their  offices  for  the  sole  purpose  of 
strengthening  the  political  ring  that  governs  the  city. 

As  an  illustration  of  what  a  successful  business  man 
could  do  in  municipal  government,  let  me  cite  the  case 
of  Joseph  Chamberlain  in  England.  Mr.  Chamberlain 
was  a  successful  manufacturer  in  Birmingham.  He 
served  thrice  as  Mayor,  and  introduced  so  many  im- 
provements in  that  municipality  that  Birmingham  is 
to-day  one  of  the  best-governed  cities  in  the  world. 

It  is  usual  in  American  cities  to  select  residents  for 
all  elective  offices,  and  the  cry  of  "  carpet-bagger "  is 
raised  when  a  nonresident  is  tiominated  or  appointed 
to  office.  In  the  city  of  New  York  residents  of  New 
Jersey  have  occasionally  been  appointed  to  office,  and 
this  practice  is  generally  objectionable,  for  the  reason 
that  the  nonresident  does  not  consider  the  welfare  of 
the  city,  his  sole  purpose  being  to  get  the  salary.  It 
would  be  wise  to  require  that  nominees  and  appointees 
should  reside  simply  in  the  State.  If,  for  example,  in 
the  State  of  New  York,  John  Doe  has  been  a  very  suc- 
cessful Mayor  in  the  city  of  Buffalo  or  Eochester,  he 
should  be  eligible  to  election  for  Mayor  of  the  city 
of  New  York ;  for  it  would  be  safe  to  assume  that  if 
he  were  a  prominent  citizen  in  Buffalo  or  Rochester,  he 
would  be  tolerably  familiar  with  the  government  of  the 

city  of  New  York  and  would  promote  the  welfare  of 
4 


36  THE  MAYOR. 

the  State.  So,  also,  in  Pennsylvania,  if  the  Mayor  of 
Pittsburg  had  been  a  very  satisfactory  municipal  of- 
ficer, he  should  be  eligible  as  Mayor  of  Philadelphia. 
This  idea  is  not  popular  among  politicians,  but  it  is 
only  false  sentiment  that  condemns  it. 

In  Germany  a  Mayor  may  be  selected  from  any  city. 
For  example,  Herr  Zelle,  the  present  "  head  "  Mayor  of 
Berlin,  came  from  the  city  of  Magdeburg.  He  proved 
his  capacity  while  Mayor  of  that  city  to  such  an  extent 
that  he  was  called  to  Berlin.  His  predecessor  made  his 
reputation  as  Mayor  of  Breslau  before  he  served  in 
Berlin. 

The  great  desideratum  in.  American  cities  is  a  com- 
petent, fearless  and  honest  man  to  serve  as  Mayor ;  and 
such  persons  are  always  objectionable  to  any  political 
ring  that  governs  the  city.  American  cities  are  usually 
cursed  with  a  "  boss  " — that  is,  an  unofficial  person  who 
controls  the  dominant  political  party  or  faction,  and 
who  selects  a  man  that  becomes  his  political  puppet, 
and  governs  the  municipality  for  the  benefit  of  the 
organization  and  not  for  the  good  of  the  taxpayers  and 
residents.  When  one  political  party  has  a  safe  ma- 
jority, a  low  type  of  ward  politician  is  selected  as 
Mayor.  In  certain  cities  the  respectable  voters  can 
occasionally  unite  and  elect  a  desirable  person.  For 
examples,  in  1881,  Mr.  Seth  Low,  a  Republican,  was 
elected  Mayor  of  Brooklyn,  overcoming  a  usually  ad- 
verse majority  of  about  10,000  and  served  a  second 
term.  In  Newport,  Rhode  Island,  Mr.  John  Hare 
Powel,  an  Independent  Republican,  was  thrice  elected 


SOME  IDEAL  MAYORS.  Si 

Mayor,  the  third  time  against  his  protest.  He  declined 
a  fourth  nomination.  The  office  sought  the  man  and 
not  the  man  the  office. 

Again,  in  Brooklyn,  Mr.  Charles  A.  Schieren  was 
chosen  Mayor  in  1893,  by  the  better  class  of  voters,  in 
spite  of  the  previous  majority  of  the  ring  (see  page  4). 

In  regard  to  the  selection  of  appointees,  the  citizen 
must  remember  that  all  Mayors  are  human.  They  may 
not  select  the  very  best  available  man  for  every  office, 
and  they  will  occasionally  appoint  a  friend,  who,  though 
not  a  first-class  man,  would  be  at  least  honest  and  rea- 
sonably efficient.  It  is  safe  to  conclude  that  a  "  citi- 
zens' "  Mayor,  who  has  been  successful  in  private  life, 
and  who  has  earned  the  respect  of  the  community,  will 
always  be  a  great  improvement  over  the  tool  of  a  polit- 
ical "boss,"  who  is  elected  simply  to  strengthen  the 
party  organization,  without  the  slightest  regard  to  the 
public  welfare. 

A  good  Mayor  may  be  re-elected  against  his  protest. 
His  personal  interests  may  prompt  him  to  resign,  but 
the  public  interest  may  demand  his  continuance. 
Hence  he  should  be  re-eligible. 

In  certain  cities — Chicago,  New  Orleans,  and  some 
of  the  cities  of  New  England — the  Mayor  presides  at 
the  meetings  of  the  Board  of  Aldermen.  The  general 
rule  seems  to  be  that  the  Aldermen  or  City  Council 
choose  the  president  of  the  Board  from  their  members. 
In  the  city  of  New  York  the  presiding  officer  of  the 
Common  Council  (called  the  president),  since  1885,  has 
been  elected  on  a  general  ticket.     His  term  formerly 


38  THE  MAYOR. 

was  one  year,  but  by  the  law  of  1893  it  became  two 
years.  He  is,  ex  officio,  a  member  of  the  executive 
boards  to  appropriate  money,  open  new  streets  and  im- 
prove the  city  generally.  The  vice-president  is  elected 
by  the  Board  of  Aldermen.  In  France  the  Mayor  pre- 
sides at  the  meetings  of  the  City  Council,  except  when 
his  accounts  are  inspected  or  discussed. 

Owing  to  the  peculiar  character  of  municipal  gov- 
ernment, the  veto  power  of  the  Mayor  should  be  more 
extensive  than  that  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States  or  the  Governors  of  the  several  States.  As  a 
general  rule,  a  measure  may  be  passed  over  the  veto  of 
the  Executive  by  a  two-thirds  vote.  In  the  city  of  New 
York,  where  "  the  expenditure  of  money  or  the  laying 
of  an  assessment,  the  lease  of  real  estate  or  franchises  " 
is  involved,  a  three-fourths  vote  is  necessary;  with  spe- 
cial appropriations  a  four-fifths  vote  is  requisite,  and  in 
no  case  can  a  veto  be  overridden  by  a  less  vote  than 
was  necessary  on  its  first  passage. 

I  would  suggest  that  a  four-fifths  vote  of  the  Board 
of  Aldermen  or  local  Legislature  be  necessary  to  over- 
ride the  veto  of  the  Mayor  in  ordinary  cases ;  and  where 
an  ordinance  involves  the  appropriation  of  money  or  a 
franchise,  a  unanimous  vote  of  the  City  Council  should 
be  required  to  nullify  the  Mayor's  veto.  This  sugges- 
tion is  based  upon  the  theory  that  the  power  of  the 
Mayor  should  be  absolute. 

An  example  of  the  corrupt  acts  of  a  City  Council 
was  shown  in  New  York  in  1884.  It  was  proposed  to 
grant  a  franchise  for  building  a   surface   railroad   in 


THE  "BOODLE"  ALDERMEN.  39 

Broadway.  An  honest  alderman  moved  that  the  fran- 
chise be  sold  at  auction.  The  corrupt  members  of  the 
Board  voted  down  the  measure  and  disposed  of  this 
very  valuable  franchise  for  an  insufficient  sum.  The 
Mayor  vetoed  the  ordinance  and  all  but  two  aldermen 
voted  to  pass  the  measure  over  his  veto.  The  matter 
was  exposed  by  an  investigation  of  a  committee  of  the 
New  York  State  Senate  in  the  spring  of  1886 ;  and  the 
result  was  that  twenty-two  out  of  twenty-four  alder- 
men were  indicted  for  bribery.  If  a  unanimous  vote 
had  been  necessary  to  override  the  mayor's  veto  in  this 
case,  the  city  of  New  York  would  not  have  been 
swindled  and  the  infamous  scandal  would  have  been 
avoided. 

As  examples  of  the  vetoes  of  the  executive  officers 
in  the  two  chief  cities  of  New  York,  I  give  the  follow- 
ing :  Out  of  920  ordinances  and  resolutions  passed  by 
the  New  York  Board  of  Aldermen  in  1887,  Mayor 
Hewitt  vetoed  285.  Forty-eight  of  these  measures 
were  passed  over  his  veto.  During  the  two  terms  of 
service  of  Mayor  Low  in  Brooklyn  only  two  vetoes 
were  overridden  by  a  Common  Council,  'which,  for 
three  years  out  of  four,  was  politically  antagonistic  to 
him  by  a  large  majority. 


CHAPTEK  III. 

BOARDS   OF   ALDERMEN'. 

The  London  County  Council  is  organized  under  the 
Local  Government  Act  of  1888.  It  consists  of  118  elect- 
ed councilors,  who  hold  office  for  three  years  and  of 
19  aldermen  who  are  chosen  by  the  Council  for  the 
term  of  six  years,  one  half  (ten  or  nine  as  the  case  may 
be)  retiring  every  three  years.  The  councilors,  unlike 
Members  of  Parliament,  are  elected  under  the  system 
of  "one  man,  one  vote."  The  Council  can  choose 
aldermen  either  from  its  own  number  or  from  outside, 
and  the  latter  practice  has  been  followed  hitherto.  Of 
the  councilors,  four  are  elected  by  the  city  of  London, 
while  the  remaining  57  electoral  divisions  of  the  me- 
tropolis elect  two  members  each. 

The  elections  of  the  first  London  County  Council 
were  held  January  17,  1889.  The  first  chairman  was 
the  Earl  of  Rosebery  and  Sir  John  Lubbock  succeeded 
him.  Some  of  the  members  of  the  County  Council  are 
also  members  of  Parliament.  The  Council  was  elected, 
not  on  national  issues,  as  Americans  would  say,  but  out 
of  regard  for  their  capacity  to  govern  the  metropolis 
upon  business  principles.  The  members  are  classified 
as  "  Progressives "  and  "  Moderates."    The  chairman, 

(40) 


THE  PARIS  MUNICIPAL  COUNCIL.  41 

vice-chairman,  aldermen  and  councilors  receive  no  re- 
muneration for  their  services,  the  only  member  that  is 
paid  being  the  deputy  chairman,  who  has  a  salary  of 
$7,500  a  year.    The  three  chairmen  are  elected  annually. 

The  City  Council  {Conseil  Municipal)  or  Board  of 
Aldermen  of  Paris"  consists  of  80  members,  who  repre- 
sent 20  districts,  each  district  *  having  four  councilors. 
They  serve  for  three  years,  with  an  annual  salary  of 
$1,200.  They  are  elected  in  the  spring  at  an  election 
separate  from  that  held  for  members  of  the  national 
Legislature.  They  meet  in  the  beautiful  Hotel  de 
Ville.  The  chairman  (president)  is  elected  by  the 
Council.  The  sessions  of  the  City  Council  are  at- 
tended by  the  chief  officers  of  the  municipality.  At 
a  table  in  front  of  the  president's  desk  are  seated  the 
Prefect  of  the  Seine,  the  Prefect  of  Police — each  of 
whom  has  a  secretary  with  him — and  the  Director  of 
Public  Works  {Travaux  de  Paris).  These  city  officers 
are  interrogated  if  a  councilor  wishes  an  explanation 
of  the  details  of  their  departments. 

In  the  city  of  New  York  the  heads  of  departments 
are  entitled  to  seats  in  the  Board  of  Aldermen.  They 
can  discuss  public  measures,  but  they  have  no  right  to 
vote.  This  privilege  has,  I  think,  never  been  exercised — 
certainly  not  for  many  years.  I  would  suggest  that  the 
Boards  of  Aldermen  in  American  cities  should  always 
provide  seats  for  heads  of  the  departments,  so  that  they 
can  be  called  to  account  if  they  do  not  properly  per- 

*  There  is  a  sort  of  Mayor  for  each  district  (arrondissemenf). 


42  BOARDS  OF  ALDERMEN. 

form  their  duties.  In  opposition  to  this  view  it  may 
be  urged  that  business  men,  who  have  been  appointed 
commissioners  in  the  various  departments  by  "  reform  " 
Mayors,  would  hesitate  to  appear  before  a  Board  of 
Aldermen  opposed  to  them  politically  and  be  subject 
to  a  constant  cross-examination.  A  merchant,  that  con- 
ducts a  public  department  upon  business  principles,  and 
who  has  had  no  practice  in  public  speaking,  could  easily 
be  embarrassed  by  a  lawyer  alderman,  and  would  hesi- 
tate to  attend  the  meetings  of  the  Common  Council. 
Still,  this  matter  might  adjust  itself,  and  it  may  be 
assumed  that  another  commissioner  would  come  to  the 
rescue  if  his  modest  associate  should  be  confused  by  a 
sharp-tongued  alderman. 

The  Municipal  Legislature  of  Berlin  has  two  houses, 
a  Magistracy  and  an  assembly  or  Council.  The  Magis- 
tracy {Magistrat)  consists  of  34  members,  who  are  elect- 
ed by  the  City  Council,  but  each  magistrate  must  be 
approved  by  the  chief  president  or  civil  governor  of  the 
Province  of  Brandenburg,  whose  official  residence  is 
in  the  city.  The  magistrates  do  not  occupy  the  same 
chamber  as  the  City  Council.  They  have  the  sole  power 
to  initiate  civic  legislation  and  to  pass  laws  and  ordi- 
nances for  the  government  of  the  corporation  of  Berlin. 
The  City  Council  consists  of  126  members  {Stadtver- 
ordneten),  who  are  elected  for  the  term  of  six  years 
from  forty-two  districts  of  the  city  (three  from  each 
district)  by  manhood  suffrage,  in  the  same  way  that 
representatives  are  chosen  for  the  Prussian  Parliament. 
One  third  of  the  councilors  retire  every  two  years. 


THE  LEGISLATURE  OF  BERLIN.  43 

The  City  Council  has  no  legislative  power,  but  may 
recommend  to  the  Magistracy  matters  that  need  legis- 
lation. The  latter  body,  if  it  approves,  enacts  any 
measures  that  may  be  needful  to  accomplish  the  de- 
sired object.  Of  the  34  magistrates,  17  are  expected 
to  devote  their  entire  time  to  the  service  of  the  city 
and  receive  salaries  ranging  from  $1,750  to  $3,750  a 
year.  The  magistrates  are  chiefly  men  that  have  served 
for  some  time  as  City  Councilors  and  who  have  shown 
special  fitness  for  administrative  duties.  Although  the 
Magistracy  and  the  City  Council,  in  their  corporate  ca- 
pacities, act  independently  and  resemble  the  upper  and 
lower  houses  of  a  Board  of  Aldermen,  yet  in  general 
administrative  work,  which,  as  in  the  United  States,  is 
conducted  by  committees,  their  members  mingle  and 
have  equal  votes.  The  chairmen  of  the  committees  for 
the  several  departments  are  generally  magistrates  and  a 
paid  magistrate  presides  over  the  principal  committees. 

The  English  system  does  not  permit  two  legislative 
chambers.  Of  the  302  municipal  corporations  now  ex- 
isting in  England  and  Wales,  not  a  single  one  has  a 
second  chamber.  All  of  them  have  the  aldermanic  ele- 
ment, but  the  aldermen  are  an  integral  part  of  the 
Council,  as  is  also  the  Mayor.  The  Scotch  and  Irish 
systems  are  slightly  different  from  the  English,  but 
they  resemble  it  in  the  matter  of  vesting  the  whole 
municipal  authority  in  one  Council.  In  the  local  gov- 
erning bodies  of  Great  Britain  the  members  generally 
serve  without  pay,  excepting  the  Mayor,  who  receives  a 
salary  commensurate  with  the  dignity  of  the  office. 


44  BOARDS  OP  ALDERMEN. 

The  town  of  Birmingham,  England,  is  so  well  known 
to  Americans  that  I  give  a  brief  account  of  its  govern- 
ing board.  The  municipal  government  is  conducted  by 
a  Council  consisting  of  54  councilors  and  18  aldermen. 
Three  councilors  are  apportioned  to  and  elected  by  each 
of  the  eighteen  wards  of  the  city,  and  each  councilor  is 
chosen  for  three  years,  the  elections  being  arranged  so 
that  one  third  of  the  councilors  (one  in  each  ward)  go 
out  of  office  every  year.  The  aldermen  are  elected  by 
the  members  of  the  Council  for  the  term  of  six  years. 
They  are  generally  chosen  from  among  the  councilors, 
although  any  citizen  is  eligible  to  the  office.  No  prop- 
erty qualification  is  required  for  any  member  of  the 
Council.  The  Mayor  is  chosen  for  one  year  by  the 
Council  and  not  by  popular  vote,  but  he  is  re-eligible 
for  any  number  of  similar  terms.  The  Mayor  presides 
at  the  meetings  of  the  Council,  and  is,  ex  officio,  a  mem- 
ber of  all  committees.  (For  further  information  con- 
cerning Birmingham,  see  J.  T.  Bunce's  History  of  the 
Corporation.) 

In  Glasgow  the  City  Council  consists  of  76  mem- 
bers, who  are  elected  for  the  term  of  three  years.  Of 
the  twenty-five  wards,  three  councilmen  represent  each 
ward  and  one  of  them  goes  out  of  office  every  year. 
The  lord  provost,  or  Mayor,  is  elected  by  the  Coun- 
cil, and  serves  for  three  years.  The  Council  chooses 
from  its  number  15  bailies  or  magistrates,  each  serving 
three  years.  These  magistrates  hold  the  police  courts. 
The  Council  also  appoints  and  controls  the  police  force. 
There  also  sit  in  the  City  Council  with  full  membership 


THE  COUNCIL  OP  GLASGOW.  45 

the  lord  dean  of  guild  and  the  deacon  convener.  The 
lord  dean  of  guild  is  the  presiding  officer  of  the  Board 
or  Court  of  Guild,  which  consists  of  one  representative 
of  the  different  artisan  trades,  and  has  the  entire  super- 
vision of  all  buildings.  No  building  can  be  erected  or 
repaired  unless  the  plans  are  approved  by  this  Court. 
They  also  control  the  sanitary  regulations  and  their 
power  is  beyond  appeal.  The  deacon  convener  is  Presi- 
dent of  the  Trades  Council  or  House  of  Glasgow.  This 
house  is  composed  of  one  delegate  elected  from  each 
trade — to  wit,  drapers,  butchers,  bakers,  etc.  Glasgow 
has  always  been  a  tradesmen's  city,  and  this  is  their  rep- 
resentation in  the  municipal  government. 

The  city  of  Mexico  is  governed  by  20  aldermen  and 
two  syndics,  who  are  elected  for  the  term  of  one  year. 
There  is  but  one  chamber  of  the  Municipal  Council  in 
Mexican  cities  and  the  members  serve  commonly  with- 
out salaries. 

In  the  United  States  the  form  of  the  municipal 
Legislature  varies  in  different  States.  It  consists  usu- 
ally, in  small  cities,  of  a  single  chamber.  In  Philadel- 
phia, St.  Louis,  Baltimore,  Louisville  and  generally  in 
the  cities  of  New  England  and  Pennsylvania,  there  are 
two  bodies.  In  New  York  city  there  were  formerly  two 
houses,  called  the  Boards  of  Aldermen  and  Assistant 
Aldermen;  the  latter  were  afterward  termed  council- 
men.  Excepting  Buffalo,  all  the  cities  of  New  York  as 
well  as  Chicago,  San  Francisco,  New  Orleans,  Detroit 
and  Indianapolis  have  now  only  one  legislative  chamber. 
The  dual  form  of  municipal  council  is  in  accordance 


46  BOARDS  OP  ALDERMEN. 

yith  the  views  of  the  founders  of  the  republic.  This 
idea  is  embodied  in  the  national  and  State  Constitutions, 
but  it  has  been  discarded  in  the  government  of  the  two 
largett  municipalities  in  the  United  States — New  York 
and  Chicago.  A  bicameral  City  Council  will  not  in 
itself  produce  better  results  and  it  is  always  a  large 
additional  expense  for  the  taxpayers.* 

The  term  of  an  alderman  varies  from  one  to  four 
years.  In  Boston,  and  generally  in  the  smaller  cities, 
the  term  is  one  year.  In  New  York,  Cincinnati,  San 
Francisco  and  St.  Louis,  and  in  the  lower  house  or 
Common  Council  of  Philadelphia  the  term  is  two 
years.  In  Philadelphia  the  term  of  the  select  council- 
men  or  the  upper  house  and  in  Buffalo  that  of  the 
councilmen  or  upper  house,  is  three  yearrs. 

In  New  Orleans  the  term  of  the  councilmen  is  four 
years. 

The  Board  of  Aldermen  or  Common  Council  should 
be  elected  with  the  Mayor,  so  that  they  may  represent 
the  same  political  party.  This  is  now  done  in  New 
York  and  New  Orleans.  For  many  years  the  terms  of 
the  aldermen  and  assistant  aldermen  in  New  York  have 
varied  from  one  to  two  years.  The  Legislature  of  1892 
changed  the  terra  of  an  alderman  from  one  year  to  two 
years. 

Aldermen  are  elected  either  at  large  or  by  districts. 
There  is  much  to  b^  said  of  the  two  systems.  Candi- 
dates elected  on  the  general  ticket  are  scrutinized  by 

*  The  annual  appropriation  for  the  Board  of  Aldermen  of  the 
city  of  New  York  is  |88,000. 


HONEST  LEGISLATORS  NEEDED.  47 

the  electors,  while  district  aldermen  are  generally  sim- 
ply the  confederates  of  ward  politicians.  For  example, 
the  Five  Points  in  the  city  of  New  York  send  a  Five 
Points  candidate  to  the  Common  Council.  This  voting 
precinct  of  the  metropolis  is  inhabited  largely  by  the 
criminal  classes,  and  the  representatives  from  this  dis- 
trict, both  in  the  Board  of  Aldermen  and  in  the  State 
Legislature,  have  often  been  protectors  of  the  criminal 
classes,  and,  in  some  cases,  criminals  themselves. 

Popular  distrust  of  the  aldermen  in  the  city  of  New 
York  has  led  to  the  gradual  transfer  of  the  powers  of 
that  body  to  the  executive  boards.  The  only  important 
power  remaining  is  "  to  regulate  the  use  of  the  streets, 
highways,  roads  and  public  places  by  foot  passengers, 
animals,  vehicles,  cars  and  locomotives." 

The  great  desideratum  is  honest  and  competent 
legislators.  With  such  men  in  power  the  precise  form 
of  city  government  is  not  vital.  The  Commonwealth 
may  initiate  measures.  When  it  does  so,  let  them  be 
confirmed  by  a  majority  of  the  Municipal  Councils  and 
receive  the  approval  of  the  Mayor.  The  cities  in  nearly 
all  the  States  are  practically  governed  by  the  Legisla- 
tures. Some  exceptions  are  Missouri,  California  and 
Washington,  where  self-government,  or  "  home  rule," 
has  in  recent  years  been  established  (see  page  24). 

The  more  difficult  it  is  to  enact  statutes  and  ordi- 
nances, the  better  for  the  people.  Capitalists  and  cor- 
porations may  object  to  this  system,  on  the  ground  that 
they  must  bribe,  or  at  least  try  to  bribe,  a  majority  of 
two  bodies  instead  of  one ;  but,  if  their  schemes  are 


48  BOARDS  OP  ALDERMEN. 

meritorious,  a  little  delay  is  not  generally  a  serious  mat- 
ter, and  they  are  almost  certain  to  pass  eventually.  The 
Board  of  Aldermen  of  New  York  gave  illustrations  in 
the  years  1887,  1888  and  1891  of  the  ultimate  passage 
of  meritorious  measures,  where  the  corporations  sternly 
refused  to  use  money  improperly.  In  the  last  case  the 
trades-unions  came  to  the  rescue,  for  the  application 
was  for  a  great  public  improvement. 

The  modern  class  of  municipal  politicians  maintain 
that  a  city  should  be  ruled  by  a  private  syndicate — in 
other  words,  they  think  the  taxpayers  should  "see" 
them  before  any  legislation  or  privilege  can  be  obtained. 

Of  late  years  "  boss  "  rule  has  taken  the  place  of  al- 
dermanic  bribery  where  a  franchise  of  great  value  is 
involved.  Since  1888  the  Boards  of  Aldermen  of  New 
York  and  Brooklyn  have  been  "  ordered  "  by  a  political 
"boss"  to  give  away  valuable  privileges  or  franchises,  for 
which  large  sums  were  offered.  These  cities  have  been 
swindled  out  of  just  the  amount  that  has  been  refused  by 
a  venal  Council,  and  the  stigma  already  attached  to  the 
aldermen  of  these  cities  has  been  increased.  In  a  few 
instances  where  aldermen  would  not  pass  an  ordinance 
without  bribery,  the  "  boss"  has  been  appealed  to,  and  he 
has  ordered  the  number  of  members  necessary  to  make 
a  majority  to  vote  for  the  measure,  on  Mr.  Tweed's 
principle  of  "  pandering  a  little  to  the  moral  sense  of 
the  community."  It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that 
for  several  years  the  City  Councils  of  New  York  and 
Brooklyn  have  contained  a  large  majority  of  members 
who  are  either  corrupt,  or  under  the  influence  of  an 


THE  REMEDIES.  49 

autocrat  who  remains  in  "  politics  "  for  the  purpose  of 
enriching  himself  and  his  friends. 

Where  a  Council  is  so  venal  or  boss-ridden  as  the 
average  Board  of  Aldermen  in  our  large  cities,  What 
shall  be  done  to  better  it  ?  To  find  the  proper  remedy- 
is  perhaps  the  gravest  element  in  our  municipal  prob- 
lems. A  foreign  observer  would  naturally  say  that  the 
people  of  New  York  city  were  not  fit  for  self-govern- 
ment, for  the  reason  that,  despite  the  scandals  of  the 
Board  of  Aldermen  of  1884,  they  elect  substantially  the 
same  class  of  men  every  year.  This  view  is  not  entirely 
correct.  In  the  metropolis,  like  other  cities,  the  bal- 
ance of  power  is  generally  held  by  the  worst  class  of 
men,  who  are  not  always  criminals.  New  York  is  gerry- 
mandered by  the  dominant  political  faction,  and  this 
grasping  autocracy,  controlling  the  police  force  and 
most  of  the  elective  machinery,  thrust  annually  upon 
the  voters  a  lot  of  unsuitable  and  oftentimes  incom- 
petent candidates,  who  are  certain  of  election  in  all 
but  four  or  five  districts. 

There  is  no  hope  for  improvement  until  proportion- 
ate representation  is  established,  and  until  the  voters, 
roused  by  a  slumbering  civic  spirit,  see  the  annual 
increase  of  municipal  expenditure,  scrutinize  the  char- 
acter of  the  candidates  and  vote  for  the  best  men,  re- 
gardless of  party  fealty. 

I  close  this  chapter  with  a  quotation  from  Mr. 
Andrew  D.  White's  instructive  article  in  The  Forum 
for  December,  1890 : 

"  The  city  halls  of  these  larger  towns  are  the  ac- 


50  BOARDS  OP  ALDERMEN. 

knowledged  centers  of  the  vilest  corruption.  They  are 
absolutely  demoralizing,  not  merely  to  those  who  live 
under  their  sway,  but  to  the  country  at  large.  Such 
cities,  like  the  decaying  spots  on  ripe  fruit,  tend  to 
corrupt  the  whole  body  politic.  As  a  rule,  the  men 
who  sit  in  the  councils  of  our  larger  cities,  dispensing 
comfort  or  discomfort,  justice  or  injustice,  beauty  or 
deformity,  health  or  disease,  to  this  and  to  future  gen- 
erations, are  men  who  in  no  other  country  would  think 
of  'aspiring  to  such  positions.  Some  of  them,  indeed, 
would  think  themselves  lucky  in  keeping  outside  the 
prisons.  .  .  .  Few  have  gained  their  positions  by  fit- 
ness or  by  public  service ;  many  have  gained  them  by 
scoundrelism ;  some  by  crime.  ...  It  has  been  my 
lot  also  to  have  much  to  do  with  two  interior  Ameri- 
can cities  of  less  size — one  of  about  100,000  inhabit- 
ants, the  other  of  about  12,000.  In  the  former  of 
these  I  saw  a  franchise,  for  which  a  million  dollars 
could  easily  have  been  obtained,  given  away  by  the 
Common  Council.  I  saw  a  body  of  the  most  hon- 
ored men  in  the  State  go  before  that  Council  to  plead 
for  ordinary  justice  and  decency.  I  saw  the  chief  judge 
of  the  highest  court  of  the  State,  one  of  his  associate 
judges,  a  circuit  judge  of  the  United  States,  an  hon- 
ored member  of  Congress,  two  bishops,  the  president 
and  professors  of  a  university,  and  a  great  body  of  re- 
spected citizens  urge  this  Common  Council  not  to  allow 
a  railway  corporation  to  block  up  the  entrance  to  the  ward 
in  which  the  petitioners  lived  and  to  occupy  the  main 
streets  of  the  city.     They  asked  that,  if  it  were  allowed 


CORRUPTION  AND  SERVILITY.  51 

to  do  so,  it  might  be  required,  in  the  interest  of  human 
life,  either  to  raise  its  tracks  above  the  streets  or  to  pro- 
tect the  citizens  by  watchmen  and  gateways,  and  to  pay 
a  fair  sum  for  the  privilege  of  cutting  through  the  heart 
of  a  populous  city.  All  was  utterly  in  vain.  I  saw  that 
Common  Council,  by  an  almost  unanimous  vote,  pass 
a  bill  giving  away  to  this  great  corporation  all  this  fran- 
chise for  nothing,  so  far  as  the  public  knew,  and  with- 
out even  a  requirement  to  protect  the  crossings  of  the 
most  important  streets ;  and  I  soon  afterward  stood  by 
the  mutilated  body  of  one  of  the  noblest  of  women,  be- 
headed at  one  of  these  unprotected  street  crossings 
while  on  an  errand  of  mercy.  So,  too,  in  the  smaller  of 
these  iwo  interior  cities,  while  the  sewerage  and  the 
streets  were  in  such  bad  condition  as  to  demand  the 
immediate  attention  of  the  Common  Council,  I  saw  the 
consideration  of  these  interests  neglected  for  months, 
and  the  main  attention  of  the  Council  given  to  a  strug- 
gle over  the  appointment  of  a  cemetery-keeper  at  a 
salary  of  ten  dollars  a  week. 

All,  who  know  anything  of  American  cities,  know 
that  these  cases  are  typical.  The  loss  in  money  is  bad ; 
the  loss  in  public  health  is  worse ;  but  worst  of  all  is  the 
loss  of  character — the  corruption  and  servility  thus  en- 
gendered." 


CHAPTER  IV. 


PUBLIC   PARKS. 


A  GREAT  defect  in  American  cities  is  the  small 
number  of  public  parks.  I  mean  that  insufficient 
space  is  set  apart  for  this  purpose.  Parks  are  the  poor 
people's  pleasure  grounds  and  may  be  called  the  safety- 
valves  of  the  city.  The  public  health  depends  largely 
upon  them.  If  the  poorer  population  and  the  chil- 
dren of  the  tenement  houses  have  some  public  place 
where  they  can  breathe  pure  air  and  take  exercise,  they 
will  have  better  health,  and  they  will  expend  their  seem- 
ingly vicious  energy  in  the  open  air,  which  otherwise 
might  lead  to  their  appearance  in  a  police  court. 

The  following  table  gives  the  population  and  the  num- 
ber of  acres  devoted  to  park  purposes  in  our  chief  cities : 


New  York 

Philadelphia 

Chicago 

Brooklyn 

St.  Louis 

Boston 

Baltimore 

San  Francisco 

Cincinnati 

Buffalo 

Washington 

Kansas  City 

Indianapolis 

Savannah 

_ 


Acres. 

Population. 

6,000 

1,513,501 

3,000 

1,044,894 

2,148 

1,098,576 

940 

806,343 

2,100 

460.357 

2,100 

446,507 

777 

434,151 

1,180 

297,990 

390 

296,308 

620 

254,457  • 

1,000 

229,798 

970 

132,416 

354 

107,445 

60 

41,742 

PRINCIPAL   PARKS  OP  THE   WORLD. 


53 


If  we  compare  the  area  devoted  to  park  purposes  in 
American  cities  with  those  of  Europe,  we  find  that  the 
cities  of  the  Old  World  are  generally  better  provided 
with  public  breathing-places.  For  example,  take  the 
following  list : 


Acres. 

Population. 

London , 

22,000 

172,000 

5,000 

8,000 

475 

264 

800 

2,000 

1,000 

4,306,411 

Paris ...   

2,480,000 

Berlin 

1,767,000 

Vienna 

1,423,000 

Glasgow 

678,000 

Birmingham 

478,113 

Amsterdam 

417.539 

Dublin 

254,709 

Brussels 

183,833 

The  following  shows  the  superficial  area  of  some  of 
the  principal  parks  of  the  world: 

Acres. 

Bois  de  Boulogne,  Paris .*. . .  2,158 

Pare  de  Chaumont,  Paris 63 

Regent's  Park,  London , 473 

Hyde  Park,  London 388 

Kensington  Gardens,  London 210 

St.  James's  Park,  London 91 

Thiergarten,  Berlin 630 

Pelham  Bay  Park,  New  York 1,700 

Central  Park,  New  York 840 

Jackson  Park,  Chicago 586 

Lincoln  Park,  Chicago 400 

Fairmount  Park,  Philadelphia 2,648 

Prospect  Park,  Brooklyn 516 

Forest  Park,  St.  Louis 1,373 

Belle  Isle,  Detroit 700 

Eden  Park,  Cincinnati 209 

Franklin  Park,  Boston 467 

The  Common.  Boston 50 

Public  Garden,  Boston 24 


54  PUBLIC  PARKS. 

The  history  of  public  parks  in  the  city  of  New  York 
may  be  taken  as  a  specimen  of  the  movement  for  public 
parks  in  the  United  States.  In  1853  a  bill  was  intro- 
duced in  the  Legislature  to  establish  a  public  park  in 
the  city  of  New  York.  It  was  called  the  Central  Park, 
for  the  reason  that  it  is  about  the  geographical  center 
of  Manhattan  Island.  Prominent  taxpayers  of  the  city 
of  New  York  appeared  before  the  Committee  on  Cities 
and  opposed  the  project.  These  gentlemen  argued  that 
their  money  would  be  squandered  in  laying  out  beauti- 
ful grass  plots  planted  with  flowers  and  shrubbery,  be- 
cause the  rabble  would  overrun  these  places  and  ruin 
them.  Notwithstanding  the  selfish  opposition  of  these 
wealthy  taxpayers,  who  owned  country  seats  where  they 
spent  the  warm  weather,  the  act  was  passed,  and  the 
work  on  Central  Park  was  begun.  Chapter  616,  Laws 
of  1853,  authorized  the  taking  of  land  for  the  park  be- 
tween Fifty-ninth  and  One  Hundred  and  Sixth  Streets. 
Chapter  771,  Laws  of  1857,  established  a  park  commis- 
sion. Chapter  101,  Laws  of  1859,  extended  the  park 
from  One  Hundred  and  Sixth  to  One  Hundred  and 
Tenth  Streets. 

It  was  further  proposed  to  establish  a  sort  of  Champs 
Ely  sees  on  Fifth  Avenue,  between  Madison  Square  and 
Central  Park,  a  distance  of  about  a  mile  and  a  half.  It 
was  suggested  that  this  thoroughfare  be  made  a  wide 
avenue  lined  with  trees  and  a  sort  of  park  approach  to 
the  first  large  public  park  in  the  United  States.  But 
the  taxpayers  of  those  days  were  very  shortsighted ;  in 
fact,  they  displayed  the  usual  lack  of  foresight  which  is 


THE  NEW  YORK  PARKS.  55 

the  bane  of  American  cities.  They  did  not  anticipate 
the  rapid  increase  of  population  and  accordingly  they 
defeated  the  plan  to  improve  Fifth  Avenue. 

In  1884  an  act  was  passed  by  the  New  York  Legis- 
lature to  create  new  public  parks.  It  was  argued  that 
this  was  the  time  to  acquire  land  for  park  purposes,  lest 
it  should  become  too  valuable  if  further  delay  were 
made.  It  was  enacted  that  several  new  parks  should  be 
established,  but  the  nearest  proposed  site  was  about 
seven  miles  from  the  densely  populated  district  of 
Manhattan  Island,  Since  the  passage  of  the  law  about 
$10,000,000  have  been  expended  in  buying  parks  at  the 
upper  end  of  the  city  of  New  York. 

In  1887,  at  the  suggestion  of  Mayor  Hewitt,  an  act 
creating  small  parks  in  the  city  of  New  York  was 
passed.  It  was  soon  decided  to  take  the  block  known 
as  Mulberry  Bend  for  park  purposes — a  block  about  200 
by  600  feet,  containing  a  little  less  than  three  acres. 
Proceedings  were  begun,  and  it  is  only  now  (July  1, 
1894)  that  the  title  to  the  Mulberry  Park  block  has 
been  vested  in  the  city.  In  other  words,  it  has  taken 
seven  years  to  select  and  acquire  title  to  a  site  for  a 
small  park  in  New  York,  not  to  speak  of  the  time  re- 
quired for  razing  the  buildings  and  laying  out  the 
grounds. 

I  dwell  upon  the  experience  of  the  city  of  New  York 
as  a  forerunner  of  what  has  been  done  and  what  will  be 
done  in  American  cities  for  public  parks. 

The  plan  of  laying  out  small  parks  in  the  tenement- 
house  districts  should  be  supplemented  by  small  public 


56  PUBLIC  PARKS. 

playgrounds  for  children.  It  has  been  suggested  that  a 
lot  about  50  by  100  feet  should  be  bought  adjoining  all 
public  schoolhouses.  This  lot  should  become  a  sort  of 
public-school  park,  with  an  entrance  from  the  street. 
It  could  be  used  by  the  school-children  during  recess 
and  t)y  the  children  of  the  neighborhood  at  all  other 
times.  Light  athletic  games  should  be  encouraged, 
such  as  tennis,  handball,  swings  and  seesaws.  A  gym- 
nastic apparatus  might  be  added  and  a  tent  could  be 
erected  on  hot  days  in  summer. 

It  may  be  said  of  these  public  playgrounds  in  the 
densely  populated  districts  that  the  noise  and  shouting 
of  the  youngsters  would  become  a  nuisance.  But  that 
matter  would  soon  adjust  itself,  for  the  noise  would 
be  confined  only  to  the  daytime,  or  it  would  certainly 
cease  early  in  the  evening.  The  janitor  of  the  school- 
house  could  attend  to  the  public  park  without  addi- 
tional compensation. 

In  1892  it  was  suggested  to  establish  a  children's 
playground  in  the  southwest  corner  of  Central  Park. 
The  commissioners  reported  that  the  expense  would  be 
about  $100,000,  and,  after  thorough  discussion  in  the 
public  press,  they  decided  to  abandon  the  plan.  It 
should  be  said  that  a  portion  of  Central  Park  is  made  a 
public  common  on  Sundays  and  holidays — that  is,  the 
public  has  the  right  to  roam  over  the  grass  on  those  days. 

An  American  in  Europe  notices  at  once  the  differ- 
ence between  the  management  of  the  public  parks  in 
the  New  and  in  the  Old  World.  In  the  United  States 
there  is  generally  a  park  police  and   the  parks  are 


THE  CENTRAL  PARK  SPEEDWAY.      57 

strictly  managed.  For  instance,  citizens  are  not  allowed 
to  fall  asleep  on  the  benches  in  the  parks.  The  traveler 
in  Paris  and  London  sees  that  much  more  freedom  is 
allowed  in  those  cities. 

The  Central  Park  in  New  York  has  been  jealously 
guarded.  At  various  times  attempts  to  invade  it 
have  been  made  by  the  National  Guard,  by  turfmen 
and  by  other  classes.  For  instance,  in  1888,  a  bill 
was  introduced  in  the  Legislature  to  allow  the  Na- 
tional Guard  to  parade  in  Central  Park,  but  through 
the  protest  of  Mayor  Hewitt  it  was  defeated.  In  1892 
an  act  was  passed  permitting  the  park  commissioners  to 
lay  out  a  driveway  or  road  for  the  speeding  of  horses, 
on  the  west  side  of  Central  Park,  at  an  expense  of 
nearly  $2,000,000 ;  and  the  act  was  promptly  signed  by 
the  Governor  before  citizens  could  protest  against  it.  I 
was  then  a  member  of  Assembly,  and,  if  I  remember 
rightly,  the  Governor  signed  the  bill  ten  minutes  after 
it  passed  the  Senate.  A  storm  of  protest  was  at  once 
raised  in  the  city  of  New  York ;  indignation  meetings 
were  held  and  a  sort  of  campaign  committee  was  organ- 
ized. Committees  of  citizens  for  and  against  the  bill 
went  to  Albany  and  were  heard  by  the  Committee  on 
Cities.  Within  three  weeks  after  the  passage  of  the  act 
the  law  was  repealed,  partly  at  the  command  of  Tam- 
many Hall,  for  the  leaders  of  that  organization,  then  in 
control  of  the  city,  feared  public  opinion  and  issued 
orders  to  their  members  in  the  Legislature  to  repeal 
the  law. 

In  the  United  States  the  citizens  do  not  know  that  a 


58  PUBLIC  PARKS. 

public  park  is  really  a  good  investment.  The  land  ad- 
joining the  park  increases  rapidly  in  valuation ;  a  supe- 
rior class  of  buildings  is  erected,  and  the  city  in  the 
end  is  the  gainer,  for  the  reason  that,  with  the  great 
increase  of  the  assessed  valuation,  to  say  nothing  of  the 
employment  it  gives  to  wage-earners,  a  public  benefit 
results.  The  example  of  Princes's  and  Sefton  Parks 
at  Liverpool  is  a  case  in  point.  Where  a  section  of  a 
city  is  undergoing  transition — that  is,  where  tenement 
houses  are  torn  down,  and  warehouses,  factories  and 
large  stores  erected — it  is  not  wise  to  establish  a  large 
park,  for  the  reason  that  the  dense  population  is  rapidly 
moving  away,  and  the  proposed  park  will  soon  be  too 
far  from  the  homes  of  the  very  class  for  whom  it  was 
laid  out. 

The  experience  of  Paris  is  worthy  of  careful  study. 
The  Emperor  Napoleon  III  improved  the  densely  popu- 
lated districts,  and  where  miserable  and  vile  dwellings 
were  inhabited  by  the  most  destitute  class  of  citizens, 
he  ordered  these  dwellings  to  be  removed  and  laid  out 
beautiful  parks,  planted  with  flowers,  8hr;ubs  and  trees. 
He  created  many  breathing-places  well  supplied  with 
benches  for  the  accommodation  of  the  public.  He  also 
made  the  point  that,  where  a  dense  and  excitable  popu- 
lation was  demanding  work  and  inclined  to  riots,  it 
was  wise  to  give  them  employment,  provided  the  work 
was  necessary  and  was  warranted  by  the  financial  con- 
dition of  the  municipality.  Napoleon  I  erected  arches 
in  certain  squares. 

Paris  is  now  the  pleasure  city  of  the  world  and  for- 


Music  in  the  parks.  59 

eigners  from  all  countries,  especially  from  South  Amer- 
ica, make  their  home  there.  The  permanent  leisure 
population  of  foreign  birth  in  Paris  is  probably  larger 
than  in  any  other  city.  This  feature  of  Paris  is  owing 
to  the  policy  of  Napoleon  III  and  largely  to  the  num- 
ber of  public  parks  and  parkways. 

Skillful  architects  should  be  employed  to  lay  out 
public  parks  and  their  management  should  not  be 
intrusted  to  the  ordinary  ward  politician,  who  is  in- 
clined to  enrich  himself,  or  to  propose  improvements 
for  the  purpose  of  helping  some  contractor  who  belongs 
to  his  political  organization.  A  small  public  park  can 
often  be  established  at  slight  expense  by  using  a  V- 
shaped  lot,  formed  by  the  intersection  of  a  diagonal 
avenue  with  a  longitudinal  street.  There  are  a  few 
such  parks  in  the  city  of  New  York,  although  they 
were  closed  to  the  public  until  1887.  ■  Eleven  such 
parks  had  been  locked,  when  Mayor  Hewitt  suggested 
that  they  be  opened.  Short  paths  were  laid  out  with- 
in these  parks;  flowers  and  shrubs  were  planted  and 
benches  placed  inside  them.  The  observer  may  see  the 
children  from  the  tenement  houses  now  using  these 
parks  with  great  advantage. 

In  American  cities  music  is  provided  at  public  ex- 
pense on  Saturdays  and  in  some  cities  on  Sundays.  In 
Europe  the  bands  of  the  standing  army,  which  are,  of 
course,  paid  for  by  taxation,  perform  in  the  public  parks 
very  frequently.  -In  the  Eepublic  of  Mexico  the  Plaza  is 
a  great  public  resort,  and  a  band  of  good  military  musi- 
cians plays  several  times  a  week.     Our  Mexican  neigh- 


60  PUBLIC  PARKS. 

bors  take  a  more  philosophical  view  of  public  parka 
than  we  do. 

The  public  parks  in  the  United  States  are  not 
always  sacred — that  is  to  say,  they  are  sometimes  in- 
vaded by  railroads.  For  example,  in  New  York,  the 
elevated  railroad  has  long  since  erected  its  tracks  in 
Battery  Park  on  the  water-front  of  the  lower  part  of 
the  city.  This  corporation  obtained  a  license  from  the 
park  commissioners  to  erect  pillars  for  an  elevated  track 
within  the  park.  They  never  paid  for  the  use  of  it,  but 
now  the  structure  has  remained  in  Battery  Park  so  long 
that  the  convenience  of  the  public  demands  that  the 
tracks  shall  remain.  The  grass  under  the  tracks  has 
been  ruined  and  the  desolate  strip  of  ground  extending 
through  the  entire  length  of  the  park  is  an  eyesore  and 
an  outrage  upon  the  taxpayers.  Still,  on  the  principle 
of  "  what  can't  be  cured  must  be  endured,"  these  tracks 
must  remain ;  but  the  experience  of'  the  city  of  New 
York  with  the  elevated  railroad  should  be  a  warning 
to  the  residents  and  officials  of  other  American  cities 
to  refuse  all  such  permits. 

The  track  of  the  Sixth  Avenue  line  of  the  elevated 
railroad  ends  on  the  southern  boundary  of  Central  Park. 
Citizens  have  said  in  public  meetings  that  the  elevated 
road  should  be  allowed  to  cross  Central  Park,  but  public 
opinion  in  opposition  to  this  has  been  so  strong  that 
no  set  of  politicians  has  over  been  willing  to  license  the 
Elevated  Eailroad  Company  to  erect  its  tracks  across 
that  beautiful  pleasure  ground. 

In  American  cities  a  portion  of  the  public  parks  is 


WATER-FRONT  PARKS.  61 

set  apart  for  athletic  games  and  several  large  fields  in 
Central  Park  were  formerly  reserved  for  boys  of  the 
grammar  schools,  but  now  children  from  all  kinds  of 
schools  are  allowed  to  use  a  large  meadow  for  baseball, 
lacrosse  and  football.  Of  late  years  the  so-called 
North  Meadow  has  been  used  for  lawn  tennis  and 
about  forty  courts  have  been  laid  out  and  are  used  by 
persons  of  all  ages. 

A  pond  in  a  public  park  is  beneficial.  In  summer  it 
is  used  for  boating  and  in  winter  for  skating.  In  sea- 
board cities  it  is  desirable  to  lay  out  a  public  park  on 
the  water-front,  although  this  idea  is  rarely  carried  out. 
The  Riverside  Park,  on  the  Hudson  in  the  city  of  New 
York,  is  perhaps  the  largest  "  water-front "  park  in 
America.  Then  there  are  small  parks  along  the  water- 
front, such  as  Battery  Park,  Corlears  Hook  Park,  Co- 
enties  Park  and  East  Eiver  Park.  Pelham  Park  also 
fronts  on  the  water  and  is  now  the  largest  park  in  New 
York. 

In  Philadelphia  the  famous  Fairmount  Park  runs 
along  the  bank  of  the  Schuylkill.  In  Chicago,  Jack- 
son. Park  (where  the  World's  Fair  was  held  in  1893) 
and  Lincoln  Park  are  two  beautiful  parks  on  the  south 
and  north  sides  of  the  city,  extending  along  the  lake 
front.  It  is  argued  that  land  is  too  valuable  along  the 
water-front  of  a  city  to  be  used  for  park  purposes; 
but  in  that  case  it  is  not  too  much  to  demand  that  a 
few  small  parks,  one  block  in  area,  should  be  scattered 
along  the  water-front. 

In  London  political  meetings  are  held  in  the  public 


62  PUBLIC   PARKS. 

parks — e.  g.,  Hyde  Park — where  a  hundred  thousand 
working  people  sometimes  assemble  and  listen  to  so- 
cialistic speeches. 

The  public  parks  in  the  United  States  are  rarely  if 
ever  used  for  political  meetings,  although  there  has 
been  a  demand  from  the  Socialists  of  the  city  of  New 
York  to  be  allowed  to  use  the  public  parks  for  such 
purposes.  At  a  hearing  before  the  Committee  on 
Cities  in  the  Senate  in  1892,  they  were  offered  the  use 
of  those  public  places  which  were  covered  with  asphalt, 
which  meant  the  small  squares  at  the  intersection  of 
streets — like  Paradise  Park,  which  is  a  triangle  about 
100  by  50  feet,  covered  with  asphalt,  at  the  intersection 
of  two  streets.  This  was  not  satisfactory  to  the  dele- 
gates and  their  application  was  denied. 

In  some  cities  the  City  Hall  is  erected  in  a  public 
park ;  in  others,  it  is  on  a  business  street,  with  no 
ground  around  it.  It  is  well  to  erect  public  buildings, 
such  as  courthouses,  city  halls  and  schoolhouses,  with- 
in public  parks,  or  at  least  to  have  a  small  space  of 
ground  around  them. 

The  most  unique  attraction  in  the  public  parks  of 
the  United  States  is  probably  the  new  aquarium  in 
Battery  Park,  New  York.  Under  the  law  of  1892  an 
appropriation  of  $300,000  was  made.  The  aquarium 
will  occupy  the  site  of  the  old  Castle  Garden,  the  well- 
known  former  immigrant  depot.  It  is  the  only  free 
municipal  aquarium  in  the  United  States  and  it  is  be- 
lieved to  be  far  superior  to  anything  of  the  kind  in  the 
world.     There  are  aquariums  at  Coney  Island  and  other 


ZOOLOGY  AND  BOTANY.  63 

similar  resorts,  but  they  are  quite  unlike  that  in  Battery 
Park. 

Zoological  and  botanical  gardens  are  rare  in  Amer- 
ican cities.  Central  Park,  in  New  York,  and  Fair- 
mount  Park,  in  Philadelphia,  have  zoological  exhibits 
or  menageries.  There  are  beautiful  botanical  gardens 
at  Washington  and  St.  Louis.  The  new  zoological  park 
at  the  national  capital  will  be  one  of  the  finest  in  the 
world.  The  best  known  in  Europe  are  the  famous 
"  Zoo  "  at  Regent's  Park,  London,  and  the  Jardin  des 
Plantes  and  the  Jardin  d'' Acclimatation  in  Paris.  At 
present  a  company  has  a  charter  to  lay  out  a  botanical 
garden  in  the  city  of  New  York.  The  Arnold  Arbore- 
tum, a  sort  of  public  museum  of  trees,  is  a  unique  fea- 
ture of  the  park  system  of  Boston. 

The  metropolis  of  the  world,  which  is  also  one  of 
the  oldest  large  cities,  is  still  increasing  the  number 
and  area  of  the  public  parks.  During  the  past  four 
years  one  thousand  acres  have  been  added  to  the  park 
area.  It  is  said  that  the  ratepayer  (taxpayer)  contrib- 
utes more  cheerfully  for  the  cost  of  small  parks  than 
for  any  other  purpose.  The  plan  of  common  gardens 
or  lawns  in  the  rear  of  London  private  houses,  like 
those  in  Prince's  Gate,  should  be  introduced  in  Amer- 
ican cities. 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE   FIEE   DEPARTMENT. 

The  fire  service  in  American  cities  is  generally  the 
best  managed  and  most  eflBcient  of  the  various  branches 
of  the  municipal  governments.  This  is  rendered  neces- 
sary by  the  large  number  of  frame  and  poorly  constructed 
buildings  within  the  city  limits  and  by  the  regulations 
of  the  insurance  companies. 

It  was  not  until  1871  that  frame  houses  were  for- 
bidden to  be  erected  in  New  York,  excepting  a  small 
portion  of  the  upper  wards  of  the  city.  Since  1885 
every  wooden  or  frame  building  damaged  by  fire  or 
otherwise  to  an  amount  greater  than  half  of  the  value 
thereof  has  been  ordered  to  be  taken  down.  In  Chicago 
and  Philadelphia  wooden  houses,  excepting  sheds  not 
over  sixteen  feet  high,  are  forbidden  to  be  built.  Ex- 
perience proves  that  where  the  fire  department  is  very 
inefficient  the  insurance  companies  either  refuse  to  in- 
sure or  establish  rates  that  are  practically  prohibitory. 
Accordingly,  the  property  holders  compel  the  city  au- 
thorities to  establish  an  efficient  fire  service.  It  is  true 
of  some  cities  that  the  scant  water  supply  may  result  in 
a  general  conflagration  without  any  fault  on  the  part  of 
the  firemen.     Up  to  1865  the  fire  departments  in  the 

(64) 


GREAT  CONFLAGRATIONS  IN  CITIES.  65 

large  cities  were  generally  composed  of  volunteers.  In- 
ducements were  held  out  to  able-bodied  citizens  to  join 
the  fire  brigade  by  exempting  them  from  jury  duty. 
In  those  days  a  fire-engine  house  was  somewhat  like  a 
social  or  political  club.  In  the  city  of  New  York  the 
volunteer  firemen  oftentimes  united  and  became  a  power 
in  ward  politics  until  the  establishment  of  the  paid  fire 
department,  May  4,  1865.  The  system  of  salaried  fire- 
men was  gradually  introduced  into  other  large  cities. 

Since  the  abolition  of  the  volunteer  fire  departments 
in  the  large  municipalities  there  have  been  no  very  de- 
structive conflagrations,  except  in  Chicago  and  Boston. 
At  various  times  more  than  half  of  certain  American 
cities  have  been  burned.  The  principal  conflagrations 
were  those  in  New  York  city,  1835  and  1845 ;  Troy, 
N.  Y.,  1862;  Portland,  Me.,  1866;  Chicago,  1871*  and 
1875 ;  Boston,  1872  ;  and  Pittsburg,  1877.  In  some 
cities  the  Mayor  has  power  to  order  the  destruction  of 
buildings  by  explosives  or  otherwise  to  prevent  the 
spread  of  a  conflagration. 

The  remarkable  efficiency  of  our  municipal  fire  de- 
partments is  largely  on  account  of  the  general  exclusion 
of  "politics"  in  their  administration.  The  larger  cities 
have  usually  fire  commissioners.  If  the  chief  of  the 
department  is  a  strict  disciplinarian,  he  will  recommend 
the  promotion  of  firemen  on  their  merits  and  dismiss 
delinquents  without  regard  to  political  influence.  For 
many  years  the  city  of  Brooklyn  had  a  fire  service  that 

*  A  careful  estimate  fixed  the  value  of  the  property  consumed 
in  this  conflagration  at  $350,000,000. 


66  THE  FIRE  DEPARTMENT. 

was  cursed  by  politics,  and  the  insurance  companies 
raised  their  rates  so  high  that  the  property  owners  com- 
plained bitterly.  In  fact,  some  underwriters  refused  to 
insure  at  all.  The  members  of  the  ring  asked  the  in- 
surance men  to  prefer  charges  against  the  fire  depart- 
ment. They  refused  to  do  so  and  simply  said  they 
could  not  afford  to  insure.  A  short  time  ago,  in  Chi- 
cago, the  fire  marshal  happened  to  be  a  man  who  was 
too  efficient  and  too  independent  to  suit  the  "  statesmen 
for  revenue  only,"  and  it  was  arranged  to  remove  him. 
The  underwriters,  however,  announced  that  rates  would 
go  up  twenty-five  per  cent  if  such  a  step  should  be 
taken,  and  public  feeling  ran  so  high  that  even  the  Chi- 
cago ring  was  influenced  by  it,  and  this  capable  public 
servant  was  retained. 

Until  1870  conflagrations  in  the  city  of  New  York 
were  announced  by  the  ringing  of  a  bell  in  several  parts 
of  the  city.  The  police  always  attended  fires,  but  the 
sound  of  the  fire  bell  was  a  signal  for  every  thief  and 
burglar  in  New  York  to  turn  out.  Accordingly,  the 
system  of  placing  electric  alarm  boxes  on  telegraph 
poles  or  lamp-posts  was  adopted.  For  many  years  the 
telegraph  poles  in  New  York  were  used,  but  now  the 
alarm  boxes  are  generally  placed  upon  lamp-posts,  with 
red  glass  on  one  side  of  the  globe. 

The  growth  of  a  large  city  with  constantly  diminish- 
ing water  pressure  is  well  shown  in  New  York.  When, 
in  1843,  the  Croton  Aqueduct  was  finished,  the  pressure 
upon  the  pipes  at  the  surface  of  the  ground  in  the  lower 
part  of  the  city  was  more  than  thirty  pounds  to  the 


THE  NUMBER  OP  FIRES.  67 

square  inch;  in  1852  it  was  twenty  pounds;  in  1863 
but  three  pounds.  In  1883,  during  the  daytime,  it  was 
practically  nothing,  as  the  water  would  merely  flow  out 
of  the  pipes  at  the  ground  surface.  This  was  owing  to 
the  gradually  increasing  use  of  water  for  purposes  other 
than  for  fire  extinguishment. 

It  is  unsatisfactory  to  compare  'the  number  of  fires 
in  our  rapidly  growing  cities  with  those  of  the  well-built 
and  well-governed  cities  of  the  Old  World.  In  the  larger 
American  cities  there  is  no  limit  to  the  height  of  the  so- 
called  fireproof  buildings,  whereas  in  the  cities  of  Ger- 
many the  general  rule  is  that  the  height  of  the  build- 
ing shall  not  exceed  the  width  of  the  street  upon  which 
it  stands.  In  New  York  city  all  buildings  exceeding 
eighty-five  feet  in  height  must  be  fireproof.  I  give  one 
comparison.  In  1883  the  number  of  fires  in  London  was 
1,936.  In  proportion  to  the  population.  New  York 
should  have  had  6§0  fires,  but  the  report  for  that  year 
shows  that  there  were  1,530. 

The  engine  houses,  apparatus  and  firemen  of  New 
York  are,  in  many  respects,  superior  to  those  of  Lon- 
don. The  late  President  of  the  New  York  Fire  Depart- 
ment, Henry  D.  Purroy,  says,  in  his  article  in  The 
Forum  for  December,  1886,  that  the  time  required  to 
place  upon  the  street  a  fire  apparatus  in  London  varies 
from  one  to  four  minutes,  while  in  New  York  it  is  from 
ten  to  fifteen  seconds.  The  fire  departments  in  Amer- 
ican cities  are  not  organized  like  those  of  Europe. 
Even  in  England  the  departments  are  not  uniform. 
For  instance,  there  are  in  London  about  600  paid  fire- 


68  THE  FIRE  DEPARTMENT. 

men,  while  in  Liverpool  the  duties  of  the  fire  brigade 
are  performed  by  the  police.  In  Paris  and  in  many 
other  Continental  cities  the  firemen  are  a  quasi-mili- 
tary organization,  which  is  not  cursed  by  politics.  In 
Berlin  the  fire  department  is  under  the  control  of  the 
State.  It  consists  of  nearly  900  men,  under  the  com- 
mand of  a  "  firemaster  in  chief."  There  are  but  18 
engine  houses,  but  each  house  is  large,  and  generally 
contains  both  engine  and  hook  and  ladder,  and  often- 
times an  open  omnibus  to  convey  the  firemen  to  the 
conflagration.  In  Philadelphia,  which  is  one  third 
smaller  than  Berlin,  there  are  55  engine  houses  and 
nearly  700  men.  The  annual  appropriation  for  the 
Philadelphia  Fire  Department  is  $653,521,  while  that  of 
the  Berlin  brigade  is  but  $375,000.  The  great  confi- 
dence of  the  citizens  of  Berlin  in  their  fire  department 
is  illustrated  by  what  occurred  in  1873,  when  I  was 
living  in  that  city.  A  friend  of  mine  was  playing  cards 
in  a  five-story  apartment  house,  when  a  fire  broke  out 
on  one  of  the  other  floors.  The  players  continued  the 
game  while  the  firemen  were  at  work  and  the  flames 
were  soon  extinguished. 

The  system  of  steam  pipes  and  hot-air  furnaces  for 
heating  houses  is  not  in  general  use  in  Europe,  which, 
of  course,  diminishes  the  danger  of  a  conflagration. 

The  fire  engines  of  Europe  are  usually  inferior  in 
size  and  power  to  those  of  the  United  States.  It  is,  in 
fact,  unnecessary  to  introduce  the  American  water  tow- 
ers into  the  large  European  towns.  Water  towers  were 
first  used  in  1879. 


•  LIMITED  WATER  SUPPLY.  69 

In  a  rapidly  growing  American  city  defective  build- 
ings are  often  erected.  Even  in  the  older  cities  specu- 
lative builders  erect  flimsy  structures  of  brick  or  stone, 
which  fall  almost  like  a  card  house  in  a  general  con- 
flagration. The  streets  in  European  cities  are  usually 
much  wider  and  the  buildings  are  more  readily  acces- 
sible to  the  firemen.  The  water  supply  of  American 
cities  is  often  scant,  owing  to  the  rapid  increase  of 
population  and  the  tendency  of  the  local  authorities  to 
adopt  a  penny-wise-and-pound-foolish  policy  so  far  as 
the  construction  of  new  or  enlarged  waterworks  is  con- 
cerned. The  very  moist  climate  of  the  British  Isles 
renders  the  buildings  less  combustible  than  those  in  the 
United  States.  Droughts  often  occur  during  hot  Ameri- 
can summers,  and  in  autumn  the  buildings  are  unusu- 
ally dry  and  burn  like  tinder  in  the  event  of  a  fire.  It 
will  be  remembered  that  the  terrible  fires  of  Boston  and 
Chicago  occurred  in  autumn.  In  the  large  cities  there 
is  generally  a  pension  fund  for  members  of  the  uni- 
formed force  who  are  found  to  be  disqualified,  physic- 
ally or  mentally,  for  performance  of  their  duties. 

I  take  the  following  facts  from  Mr.  Frank  L.  Laird's 
interesting  chapter  on  the  Bureau  of  Fire  in  the  De- 
partment of  Public  Safety  of  The  City  Government  of 
Philadelphia,  published  in  1893  by  the  Wharton  School 
of  Finance  and  Economy  of  the  University  of  Philadel- 
phia :  "  The  history  of  the  Fire  Department  in  the  city 
of  Philadelphia  begins  almost  with  the  settlement  of 
the  State.  ...  In  1718  the  city  acquired  its  first  fire 
engine,  buying   it   for   £50,  of  Abraham   Bickley,  an 


70  THE  FIRE  DEPARTMENT.  • 

alderman  and  member  of  the  Common  Council.  .  .  . 
Philadelphia's  first  volunteer  fire  company  was  organ- 
ized at  the  suggestion,  if  not  under  the  leadership,  of 
Benjamin  Franklin.  It  was  known  as  the  Union  Fire 
Company,  and  was  organized  December  7,  1736.  .  .  . 
The  middle  of  the  present  century  had  passed,  and 
Philadelphia  firemen,  like  those  of  other  cities,  were 
still  pumping  laboriously  on  the  old-fashioned  hand 
engine.  But,  about  1857,  a  Cincinnati  man,  named 
Latter,  came  East  to  exhibit  the  product  of  his  genius 
— a  steam  fire  engine.  It  was  more  than  the  people  of 
Boston  and  New  York  could  bear  and  they  brickbatted 
the  engine  and  hooted  its  inventor.  .  .  .  The  machine 
was  cumbersome  and  in  many  points  defective ;  but  it 
showed  the  possibilities  of  the  steam  fire  engine.  Ac- 
cordingly, the  Philadelphia  Hose  Company  proposed  a 
prize  for  the  most  practical  plans  for  such  an  engine. 
Several  were  submitted  and  the  prize  was  finally 
awarded  to  Joseph  L.  Parry,  who  still  lives  in  Phila- 
delphia. A  contract  was  immediately  awarded  by  the 
Philadelphia  Hose  Company  for  the  construction  of  an 
engine  after  Mr.  Parry's  model,  and  in  1858  was  fin- 
ished the  '  Pioneer,'  Philadelphia's  first  steam  fire  en- 
gine, which  has  won  many  laurels  in  contests  with  the 
fire,  engines  of  sister  cities.  .  .  .  The  volunteer  (com- 
panies) system  was  abandoned  in  1870,  and  the  con- 
trol of  the  fire  department  assumed  by  the  municipal 
authorities." 


CHAPTEE  VI. 

THE   POLICE    DEPARTMENT. 

The  police  force  of  American  cities  is  generally  or- 
ganized upon  a  different  system  from  the  police  of 
Europe.  In  Great  Britain  it  is  founded  on  a  civil 
plan ;  and  on  the  Continent  of  Europe  it  is  organized 
on  a  military  basis.  The  discipline  in  the  police  force 
of  European  cities  is  better  than  that  of  American 
cities.  In  the  first  place,  the  police  of  Europe  are  a 
military  organization ;  secondly,  they  have,  to  a  great 
extent,  the  recognition  of  the  sovereign  or  State ;  and, 
thirdly,  the  subject  of  politics  is  not  allowed  to  poison 
the  efficiency  of  the  guardians  of  the  peace. 

The  personnel  of  the  Felice  Department  of  London 
is  as  follows :  The  metropolitan  police  is  composed  of 
15,099  officers  and  men  and  334  horses,  for  which  the 
annual  appropriation  is  $6,437,550.  There  is  also  the 
city  police,  consisting  of  988  men,  whose  yearly  com- 
pensation is  about  1570,000.  The  number  of  men  be- 
longing to  the  municipal  police  of  Paris  is  8,174,  and 
the  annual  appropriation  is  14,370,926. 

In  Berlin  every  member  of  the  police  force  is  an  ex- 
soldier  of  good  record.  This  accounts  for  the  unusual 
excellence  of  the  police.    Unlike  American  cities,  the 

(71) 


Y2  THE  POLICE  DEPARTMENT. 

police  force  of  the  German  capital  is  divided  into  two 
departments,  the  day  watch  and  the  night  watch.  The 
regular  police,  who  are  charged  with  the  preservation 
of  the  public  peace,  the  detection  of  crime,  and  the  en- 
forcement of  corporation  ordinances,  are  solely  under 
the  control  of  the  State;  the  municipal  authorities 
maintain  a  force  of  night  watchmen,  whose  duty  is 
chiefly  to  protect  the  property  of  the  citizens.*  The 
Berlin  force  consists  of  4,500  policemen,  and  their  uni- 
forms are  made  by  convicts. 

The  police  of  Vienna  (population  1,423,000)  is  com- 
posed of  2,800  officers  and  men.  In  Glasgow  the  yearly 
expenditure  is  $858,350  for  a  force  of  1,347  men.  On 
the  Continent  of  Europe,  the  police  are  usually  armed 
with  swords  and  revolvers,  and  mounted  officers  are 
much  more  numerous  than  in  the  United  States.  In 
some  cities,  as  in  Paris,  the  police  commonly  carry  mus- 
kets with  fixed  bayonets  when  on  guard  duty. 

The  progress  in  the  police  of  our  large  municipali- 
ties is  perhaps  greater  than  in  any  other  department. 
Many  years  ago  life  and  property  were  very  insecure  in 
the  city  of  New  York.  The  police  force  was  practi- 
cally a  political  "  machine."  The  famous  Five  Points 
in  the  Sixth  "Ward  of  the  city  was  the  terror  of  the 
citizen,  chiefly  on  account  of  the  political  and  badly 
disciplined  mob  which  were  called  the  police  force.  In 
1857  the  Republican  party  controlled  the  State  of  New 
York,  but  the  Democratic  party,  as  usual,  dominated 
the  city,  and  it  was  then  that  tbe  power  of  the  Com- 

*  See  James  Pollard,  A  Study  in  Municipal  Government. 


METROPOLITAN  POLICE  DISTRICT.     .  Y3 

monwealth  was  exercised  to  control  the  local  affairs  of 
the  metropolis.  A  metropolitan  police  district,  as  well 
as  fire  and  health  districts,  was  created,  and  the  admin- 
istration of  the  police  department  was  vested  in  a  board 
of  five  members,  who  were  appointed  by  the  Governor. 
The  Metropolitan  Police  District  consisted  of  the  coun- 
ties of  New  York,  Kings,  Westchester  and  Eichmond.* 
The  Mayors  of  the  cities  of  New  York  and  Brooklyn 
were  under  the  law  of  1857  (chapter  569)  ex  officio 
members  of  the  Board  of  Metropolitan  Police. 

The  citizens  resisted  the  enforcement  of  the  police 
act,  and  the  struggle  that  followed  between  the  old 
Municipal  Police  and  the  new  Metropolitan  Police  ended 
in  bloodshed.  The  Court  of  Appeals  decided,  however, 
that  the  Legislature  had  not  exceeded  its  constitutional 
powers ;  and  the  people  of  New  York,  seeing  that  the 
conflict  was  hopeless,  abandoned  all  further  opposition. 
Under  the  new  administration  the  police  force  became 
well  disciplined  and  effective.  The  law  of  1864  pro- 
vides that  there  shall  be  four  commissioners,  whose 
names  are  mentioned  in  the  act. 

In  1870  the  Metropolitan  Police  act  was  repealed, 
and  the  new  law  provided  that  the  Board  shall  con- 
sist of  four  commissioners,  to  be  appointed  by  the 
Mayor.  Concerning  this  department  Mayor  Hewitt, 
in  his  message  to  the  Common  Council  in  1888,  said  : 

*  By  the  act  of  1860  the  towns  of  Newtown,  Flushing  and 
Jamaica  in  Queens  County  were  added  to  the  territory  of  the 
district ;  and  the  number  of  commissioners  was  changed  from  five 
to  three. 


74  .  THE  POLICE  DEPARTMENT. 

"  The  only  obstacle  in  the  way  of  an  efficient  adminis- 
tration of  the  police  is  to  be  found  in  the  constitution 
of  the  Board  of  Commissioners,  which  consists  of  four 
members,  two  of  whom  belong  to  each  of  the  great  po- 
litical parties.  It  was  organized  as  a  non-partisan 
board  ;  but  as  a  matter  of  fact,  from  its  very  constitu- 
tion, it  is  nothing  more  or  less  than  a  partisan  board. 
The  patronage  of  the  department  is  notoriously  divided 
between  the  commissioners,  and  a  large  part  of  their 
business  has  been  in  the  past  to  satisfy  the  claims  of  the 
two  political  parties  whom  they  represent.  It  is  fatal  to 
the  police  that  politics  should  enter  either  into  its  com- 
position or  its  administration.  There  is  no  way,  so  far  as 
I  can  see,  to  get  rid  of  this  evil  but  to  place  the  manage- 
ment of  the  police  in  the  hands  of  a  single  commissioner, 
to  he  appointed  by  the  Mayor,  and  to  hold  office  during 
his  pleasure. 

"  A  competent  and  honest  commissioner  would,  in  all 
human  probability,  have  a  permanent  tenure  of  office. 
There  has  been  no  Mayor  in  my  day  who  would  dare  to 
confront  public  opinion  in  case  he  should  remove  such 
an  officer  from  his  position.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
fact  that  the  acts  of  the  commissioner  would  be  thus 
subject  to  the  supervision  of  the  Mayor  would  insure  a 
conscientious  discharge  of  duty." 

With  a  bipartisan  board  worthless  officers  are  kept 
on  the  force  by  the  constant  and  infamous  *'  tie  "  vote. 
For  example,  two  Democratic  members  may  vote  to 
dismiss  a  captain  or  an  inspector,  and  the  two  Repub- 
lican members  may  vote  to  exonerate  him.     In  this 


CORRUPTION  IN  NEW  YORK.  75 

way  some  of  the  worst  kind  of  officers  remain  in  the 
department. 

The  New  York  police  force  consists  of  one  superin- 
tendent, with  a  salary  of  $6,000 ;  four  inspectors,  each 
receiving  13,500 ;  38  captains,  with  salaries  of  $2,756 ; 
168  sergeants  (exclusive  of  37  detective  sergeants  at 
headquarters),  with  salaries  of  $2,000 ;  and  174  rounds- 
men and  3,401  patrolmen.  The  roundsmen  receive 
$1,500,  and  the  patrolmen,  under  the  law  of  1894,  are 
classified  into  five  "  service  "  grades,  with  salaries  rang- 
ing from  $1,400  to  $1,000.  There  are  15  surgeons  at 
$3,000  each,  79  doormen  at  $1,000  each  and  22  matrons 
at  $720.  The  annual  appropriation  for  the  police  force 
in  1893  was  $5,309,886.  The  municipal  police  of  New 
York  was  perhaps  once  the  best  in  the  United  States ; 
but,  under  the  recent  rule  of  the  party  now  in  power,  it 
has  become  badly  demoralized  and  many  of  its  members 
are  corrupt. 

A  special  committee  of  the  Senate  is  now  (1894) 
investigating  this  department ;  and  it  is  sworn  testi- 
mony that  an  applicant  must  pay,  either  by  political 
assessment  or  otherwise,  for  appointment,  and  an  officer 
must  contribute  an  enormous  sum,  either  to  the  "ring" 
or  to  the  commissioners,  for  promotion.  Accordingly 
many  members  of  the  force,  of  all  grades,  extort  money 
from  certain  classes  of  citizens  in  return  for  a  license  to 
violate  the  laws  and  ordinances  with  impunity.  In  1893 
86,488  persons  were  arrested  by  the  police  (see  p.  85). 

The  ordinances  of  Paris  are  strict,  and  the  traveler 
rarely  sees  goods    on  the   sidewalk.     In   one  narrow 


Y6  THE  POLICE  DEPARTMENT. 

street  I  saw  two  bags  of  charcoal  on  the  sidewalk.  I 
asked  a  policeman  if  that  was  not  a  violation  of  the 
city  ordinance,  and  he  replied :  "  Yes,  sir ;  but  if  the  po- 
lice enforced  all  ordinances  strictly,  one  could  not  walk 
in  the  streets  of  Paris." 

There  is  in  New  York  (as  in  other  large  cities)  a 
police  pension  fund,  which  is  made  up  of  fines  and  fees 
paid  for  licenses  to  sell  liquor.  The  excise  fees  amount 
to  $300,000  annually.  The  New  York  law  provides 
also  that  after  twenty  years  of  service  a  policeman  may 
be  retired  on  half  pay,  whether  disabled  or  not.  Po- 
licemen may  serve  longer,  but  when  the  force  is  ruled 
by  a  partisan  board  the  commissioners  may  compel  a 
meritorious  officer  to  retire  in  order  to  make  room  for 
one  of  their  favorites. 

Nearly  every  year  bills  are  introduced  in  the  Legis- 
lature to  increase  the  pay  of  the  police,  and  such  a  bill 
became  a  law  in  1894. 

The  police  of  New  York  generally  act  as  a  unit  in 
politics  for  those  legislators  who  favor  them  and  hence 
have  tremendous  power. 

The  Bureau  of  Elections  in  New  York  city  should 
be  separated  from  the  Police  Department.  It  should  be 
managed  by  a  bipartisan  board  of  two  commissioners,  to 
serve  without  salary  (as  in  the  Board  of  Education),  and 
there  should  be  a  secretary  with  a  reasonable  compensa- 
tion and  with  paid  clerks. 

Since  1889  the  Police  Board  of  New  York  has  been 
a  partisan  body.  There  was,  until  July  14,  1894,  but 
one  Republican  in  the  commission.    During  the  session 


THE  PHILADELPHIA  FORCE.  Y7 

of  the  Legislature  of  1894  several  bills  to  reorganize  the 
commission  were  introduced.  One  bill  provided  for  a 
bipartisan  board  of  four  members  and  an  extension  of 
the  power  of  the  superintendent;  another  .suggested  a 
single  head ;  another  proposed  that  four  police  commis- 
sioners shall  be  elected,  of  whom  not  more  than  two 
shall  belong  to  the  same  political  party.  The  first 
named  bill  was  passed,  but  was  vetoed  by  Governor 
Flower. 

The  police  force  in  certain  cities  is  governed  as  fol- 
lows :  In  Chicago  it  is  ruled  by  a  single  head.  Under 
the  city  charter  of  1872  the  absolute  control  of  the 
police  department  is  vested  in  the  Mayor.  He  appoints 
all  officers  and  men.  An  incoming  Mayor  may  promote, 
degrade,  or  discharge  any  member  of  the  force.  As  a 
general  rule,  however,  this  official  transfers  most  of  the 
responsibility  to  the  superintendent  of  police.  Neither 
the  Bureau  of  Elections  nor  any  other  of  the  municipal 
or  county  bureaus  is  in  any  way  connected  with  the 
local  police  department.  The  total  number  of  men  em- 
ployed in  the  Police  Department  of  Chicago  is  3,205. 

In  Philadelphia  there  is  a  single-headed  bureau 
(which  is  a  branch  of  the  Department  of  Public  Safety) 
under  a  director,  who  exercises  all  powers  and  is  ap- 
pointed by  the  Mayor.  There  are  no  police  commis- 
sioners, and  there  is  no  bureau  of  elections.  The  sheriff 
issues  a  proclamation  for  elections.  The  election  offi- 
cers in  each  precinct  are  chosen  by  the  people,  and  the 
ballots  are  furnished  by  the  county  commissioners.  The 
police  have  nothing  to  do  with  elections  except  to  pre- 


78  THE  POLICE  DEPARTMENT. 

serve  the  peace.  The  law  requires  an  oflBcer  to  be  in 
the  polling-place  during  the  canvass  of  the  votes  for 
the  purpose  of  preserving  order.  During  the  year  1893 
57,297  persons  were  arrested  in  Philadelphia. 

The  annual  salaries  paid  in  the  Bureau  of  Police 
are :  superintendent,  $4,500 ;  5  captains,  each  $1,900 ; 
1  captain  of  detectives,  $1,900;  12  detectives,  each 
$1,450  ;  2  detectives,  each  $1,200 ;  1  fire  marshal,  $1,800 ; 
33  lieutenants,  each  $1,475 ;  84  street  sergeants,  each 
$1,250;  40  patrol  sergeants,  each  $1,040;  108  house 
sergeants  (telegraph  operators),  each  $1,040;  17  police 
matrons,  each  $600;  1  police  surgeon,  $1,800.  There 
are  37  district  surgeons,  who  are  called  only  when  a 
prisoner  requires  medical  or  surgical  aid.  Patrolmen 
the  first  year  receive  $2.25  a  day ;  the  second  year,$2,40 ; 
thereafter,  $2.50.  The  patrolmen,  as  well  as  all  appli- 
cants of  a  higher  grade,  must  pass  a  civil-service  exami- 
nation. A  yearly  allowance  of  $40  to  purchase  a  uni- 
form is  made  to  each  patrolman. 

While  the  population  of  Philadelphia  is  1,044,894, 
the  police  force  consists  of  but  2,223  men.  In  Chicago, 
with  a  population  of  1,098,576,  the  police  force  num- 
bers 3,205  men. 

The  police  force  of  Brooklyn  (population  957,163  in 
1892)  is  composed  as  follows :  commissioner  of  police, 
salary  $5,000 ;  1  deputy  commissioner,  $4,000 ;  1  super- 
intendent, $5,000 ;  4  inspectors,  $3,500 ;  22  captains, 
$2,700 ;  88  sergeants,  $1,750 ;  60  detective  sergeants, 
$1,750 ;  50  roundsmen,  $1,200.  The  1,300  patrolmen 
receive  $800  the  first  year,  1900  the  second  year,  and 


THE  CINCINNATI  PLAN,  79 

11,100  the  third  year.  There  are  13  police  matrons, 
each  receiving  a  salary  of  $800.  The  total  number  of 
officers  and  men  is  1,536.  There  are  four  election  com- 
missioners— two  Eepublicans  and  two  Democrats.  (See 
p.  19). 

In  St.  Louis  (population  460,357  in  1890)  the  Police 
Department  is  governed  by  four  commissioners,  who  are 
appointed  by  the  Governor  and  confirmed  by  the  State 
Senate.  The  Mayor  of  St.  Louis  is,  ex  officio,  president 
of  the  Board.  There  is  no  bureau  of  elections.  The 
annual  salaries  of  the  different  grades  of  officers  are  as 
follows :  chief  of  police,  $3,500  ;  captains,  each  $1,800  ; 
sergeants,  each  $1,200 ;  patrolmen,  each  $1,000.  The 
force  consists  of  803  men. 

In  Cincinnati  (population  296,000  in  1890)  the 
Board  of  Police  Commissioners  is  composed  of  four 
electors  of  the  city,  who  are  appointed  by  the  Governor. 
Not  more  than  two  members  belong  to  the  same  polit- 
ical party.  Two  of  the  commissioners,  of  different  po- 
litical faith,  are  appointed  to  serve  two  years;  and 
the  other  two,  also  of  different  political  faith,  are 
designated  to  serve  four  years.  After  the  expiration 
of  the  term  of  the  commissioners  designated  to  serve 
two  years,  all  appointments  made  by  the  Governor  are 
for  four  years.  The  Mayor  is  a  member  of  the  Board, 
and  hence  no  tie  votes  are  possible.  The  Board 
of  Elections  is  composed  of  four  citizens,  who  are 
appointed  by  the  Governor  on  the  same  principle  as 
the  Board  of  Police  Commissioners.  The  annual  sala- 
ries are  as  follows :  police  commissioners,  each  $1,000 ; 


80  THE  POLICE  DEPARTMENT. 

superintendent,  $5,000;  inspector,  11,800;  chief  of  de- 
tectives, $1,800 ;  detectives,  each  $1,500 ;  lieutenants, 
each  $1,200 ;  sergeants,  each  $1,080 ;  patrolmen  the 
first  year  receive  $70  a  month,  the  second  year  $75, 
the  third  year  $80,  and  the  fourth  year  $85.  The  num- 
ber of  men  on  the  Cincinnati  police  force  is  478. 

In  Minneapolis  the  executive  power  of  the  Police 
Department  is  exclusively  vested  in  the  Mayor.  The 
Bureau  of  Elections  is  independent  of  the  Police  Depart- 
ment. No  civil-service  examination  is  required.  The 
entire  force  consists  of  only  218  men,  although  the 
population  in  1890  was  164,738,  and  the  area  is  53-33 
square  miles. 

In  New  Orleans  the  Police  Department  is  under  the 
management  of  the  Board  of  six  Police  Commissioners, 
created  by  the  act  of  the  Legislature  in  1888.  The 
superintendent  is  the  executive  head  of  the  force  and  is 
subject  to  the  orders  of  the  Mayor ;  but  the  Board  has 
power  to  pass  resolutions  regarding  the  enforcement  of 
any  law,  as  well  as  to  make  regulations  for  the  general 
government  of  the  force.  The  police  do  not  supervise 
elections.  All  applicants  must  pass  a  civil-service  ex- 
amination. 

In  Detroit  (population  206,000)  there  is  a  bipartisan 
board  of  four  commissioners,  who  are  appointed  by  the 
Mayor  for  the  term  of  four  years.  There  are  429  mem- 
bers of  the  force. 

In  Boston  there  are  three  commissioners,  who  are 
appointed  by  the  Governor. 

According  to  the  report  of  the  Philadelphia  Police 


SETH  LOW'S  OPINION.  81 

Department  of  1893,  the  average  cost  of  the  police  serv- 
ice of  Boston,  per  head  of  population,  was  $2.81 ;  that 
of  Philadelphia  was  $1.93  ;  that  of  Chicago  was  12.43  ; 
that  of  St.  Louis  was  $1.62  ;  and  that  of  New  York  was 
$2.89.  New  York  pays  more  per  capita  for  the  police 
force  than  any  of  the  eight  largest  cities  of  the  country. 

Of  all  the  methods  of  ruling  a  police  force  by  a 
Board  the  Cincinnati  plan  is,  I  think,  the  best;  for 
there  the  Mayor  (an  elective  officer)  may  prevent  a  tie 
vote,  and  the  electors  can  hold  him  responsible  for  the 
condition  of  the  department.  The  chief  objection  to  a 
bipartisan  board  is,  that  if  one  commissioner  changes  his 
politics  there  is  no  way  of  removing  him,  unless  there 
be  in  the  statute  a  provision  that  any  commissioner  who 
joins  another  organization  forfeits  his  office  by  that  act. 

Seth  Low,  in  opposing  a  bipartisan  police  board  for 
New  York,  says:  "Until  it  becomes  wise  to  place  an 
army  under  the  charge  of  four  generals  it  can  not  be 
wise  to  place  a  police  department  under  the  control  of 
four  men.  .  .  .  The  founders  of  this  republic  com- 
mitted all  the  great  administrative  offices  of  the  Gen- 
eral Government  to  a  single  head.  Our  cities  do  not 
show  their  wisdom  in  departing  from  this  practice. 
They  rather  illustrate  their  lack  of  wisdom,  which  is 
the  more  evident  from  the  fact  that  they  depart  from 
Instead  of  following  so  great  an  example."  The  advo- 
cates of  a  bipartisan  board  of  police  suggest  that  in  the 
trial  of  officers  for  neglect  of  duty  too  much  responsi- 
bility would  be  fixed  upon  a  single  commissioner.  This 
is  a  specious  argument,  but  it  is  not  well  founded.    The 


82  THE  POLICE  DEPARTMENT. 

trial  of  offenders  by  a  so-called  nonpartisan  board  re- 
sults in  the  vicious  tie  vote,  which,  as  I  have  explained, 
prevents  the  dismissal  of  worthless  officers  and  men. 

In  European  cities  the  police  department  is  gen- 
erally governed  by  a  single  head.  In  London  there  is  a 
commissioner  of  police ;  in  Pai'is  a  prefect  of  police ;  in 
Berlin  a  president  of  police.  Where  a  police  depart- 
ment is  poisoned  by  politics  the  officer  is  afraid  to  do 
his  duty.  He  can  be  transferred  and  hounded  by  fines 
and  complaints  until  he  is  obliged  to  resign.  The  se- 
curity of  his  place  on  the  force  should  prompt  the  offi- 
cer to  do  his  duty  in  the  belief  that  he  is  affected  by 
neither  political  party.  He  should  be  afraid  of  no  one 
seeking  revenge  because  he  had  enforced  the  law  against 
a  politician.  A  police  officer  under  indictment  should 
be  suspended  from  duty  and  receive  no  pay.  This 
would  prompt  a  district  attorney  to  bring  the  offender 
to  trial  speedily.  In  1893  a  police  captain  in  a  lower 
ward  of  New  York  was  indicted  for  constant  neglect  of 
duty.  He  was  simply  transferred  to  another  precinct. 
Three  patrolmen  were  indicted  for  extortion  from  ped- 
dlers of  push  carts.  They  were  admitted  to  bail,  and 
continued  to  serve  on  the  force.  In  1894  the  Superin- 
tendent of  Police  of  Jersey  City  was  indicted  for  neglect 
of  duty,  and  remained  on  the  force. 

A  system  of  police  telegraph  or  signaling  has  long 
been  used  in  cities.  In  New  York  the  Herzog  Teleseme 
system  is  adopted.  This  consists  in  placing,  upon  lamp- 
posts, boxes  that  any  citizen  can  use  for  the  sake  of 
giving  an  alarm  in  case  of  a  riot  or  an  emergency. 


A  STATE  POLICE  FORCE.  83 

In  Philadelphia  the  Gamewell  system  has  been  intro- 
duced. 

So  far  as  a  municipal  police  board  is  concerned,  I 
have  said  that  the  Cincinnati  plan  seems  to  be  the  best. 
But  the  system  of  making  the  police  force  a  depart- 
ment of  the  municipality  is  wrong.  The  American 
people  should  learn  a  lesson  from  the  governments  of 
Europe  and  place  the  police  departments  under'  the 
supervision  of  the  State.  The  police  power  belongs  to 
the  Commonwealth.  The  true  remedy  for  the  existing 
evils  of  the  police  boards  of  cities  is  to  remove  the  de- 
partment from  politics  and  make  it  a  branch  of  the 
State  government  under  the  control  of  one  oflBcial. 
No  police  commissioner  should  stand  for  office,  and  it 
is  forbidden  by  law  in  New  York.  The  Governor 
should  appoint  the  commissioners  throughout  the  State, 
as  is  now  the  custom  in  several  of  the  large  cities. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

POLICE   COURTS. 

In  the  United  States  there  is  no  uniform  method 
of  appointing  or  electing  police  magistrates.  In  some 
States  they  are  appointed  by  the  Governor — e.  g., 
Massachusetts  and  Maryland.  Even  in  New  York  the 
system  differs  in  various  cities.  In  the  great  metropolis 
there  are  fifteen  magistrates  appointed  by  the  Mayor  for 
a  term  of  ten  years,  and  receiving  an  annual  salary 
of  $8,000.  These  police  judges  are  generally  zealous 
ward  politicians.  Some  are  reputable  citizens,  antl  the 
contrast  between  their  patient  and  intelligent  method 
of  holding  court  and  the  political  semicriminal  con- 
duct of  their  associates  is  remarkable.  Three  of  them 
(or  one  fifth  of  the  whole  number)  have  been  indicted 
for  different  offenses;  and  another,  on  two  occasions, 
has  narrowly  escaped  indictment.  For  twenty  "years 
they  were  prohibited  from  practicing  law ;  but  in  1892, 
after  a  change  in  the  Legislature  of  the  State,  a  law  was 
passed,  despite  determined  opposition,  allowing  police 
magistrates  to  practice  in  the  courts.  Some  of  the 
judges  often  absent  themselves  from  the  city,  and 
twelve  efficient  lawyers,  serving  as  justices,  could  con- 
duct the  business  of  the  courts. 

Brooklyn   has    six    judges,  Albany  has    two,   and 

(84) 


BETTER  MAGISTRATES  NEEDFUL.  85 

Eoehester,  Schenectady,  Troy  and  Hudson  have  but 
one  police  magistrate.  In  these  cities  they  are  elected, 
with  terms  of  from  one  to  ten  years  and  receive  salaries 
from  $600  upward. 

In  New  York  probably  three  fourths  of  the  people 
who  are  brought  to  the  police  courts  to  obtain  justice 
are  too  poor  to  employ  legal  counsel,  unless  it  be  one 
of  the  "shyster"  lawyers  who  practice  only  in  these 
courts.  They  must  depend  upon  the  magistrates  to 
preserve  their  rights.  At  least  100,000  persons  appear 
before  the  police  magistrates  annually.  Of  this  num- 
ber 86,488  were  arrested  by  the  police  in  1893.  The 
remainder  are  those  who  appeal  for  warrants  or  for  pro- 
tection from  their  oppressors.  The  police  magistrate  is 
generally  an  absolute  autocrat  in  the  cases  that  come 
before  him.  He  has  discretionary  power,  and  hence 
it  is  difficult  to  impeach  a  magistrate  for  an  abuse  of 
authority.  Moreover,  it  would  usually  be  easy  to  ob- 
tain a  squad  of  witnesses  to  commit  perjury  in  the 
event  of  proceedings  for  impeachment  in  the  Court  of 
Common  Pleas. 

The  high  character  of  the  men  that  should  fill  these 
positions  was  well  set  forth  by  Mayor  Hewitt  in  his 
message  of  1888.  He  said  :  "  I  do  not  assert  too  much 
when  I  declare  that  the  position  of  a  police  justice  is 
more  important  to  the  community  than  that  of  a  judge 
of  the  Court  of  Appeals.  The  latter  finally  settles  the 
law,  but  the  former  applies  it  in  the  first  instance  in 
nearly  all  cases  affecting  the  life,  liberty  and  property 
of  the  citizens." 


86  POLICE  COURTS. 

The  decisions  of  the  New  York  police  magistrates, 
especially  in  election  cases,  depend  largely  upon  the 
presence  of  some  anti-ring  lawyer.  If  a  man  of  stand- 
ing appears  in  behalf  of  the  accused,  a  majority  of  the 
magistrates  are  inclined  to  be  careful  in  their  rulings. 
Now  that  twenty  Good  Government  Clubs  have  been 
established  in  New  York,  it  would  be  well  for  each  club 
to  detail  a  lawyer  to  attend  the  police  courts  daily, 
especially  during  political  campaigns,  and  to  scrutinize 
the  decisions  of  the  magistrates,  with  a  view  to  their 
removal  or  impeachment  if  there  is  ground  for  such  a 
proceeding. 

The  difference  between  the  government  of  the  chief 
cities  of  Europe  and  the  United  States  is  perhaps 
shown  more  strongly  in  the  class  of  men  who  serve  as 
police  magistrates  than  in  any  other  matter.  A  su- 
perior class  of  men  occupy  these  places  in  Europe.  In 
Birmingham,  England,  the  magistrates  are  leading  citi- 
zens and  receive  no  salary.  The  clerks  of  the  police 
courts  receive  ample  compensation,  and  examine  the 
prisoners  and  witnesses,  but  the  judgments  are  pro- 
nounced by  the  magistrates.     (See  p.  44.) 

Concerning  the  new  class  of  men  that  must  come 
forward  to  govern  American  cities,  I  know  of  no  field 
of  municipal  reform  so  promising  as  that  of  the  police 
courts  in  the  large  cities.  If,  after  constant  agitation 
for  municipal  reform,  the  police  magistrates  should  be- 
come a  superior  class  of  men,  it  might  then  be  well  to 
introduce  the  British  system  of  ex  officio  magistrates — 
that  is,  aldermen  or  city  councilors  who  serve  without 


CHICAGO  POLICE  JUSTICES.        87 

compensation,  and  who  act  as  police  justices.  In  the 
summer  of  1893  the  conduct  of  one  of  the  Brooklyn 
police  justices,  concerning  the  case  of  foreign  officers 
who  were  attacked  by  street  ruffians,  was  so  outrageous 
that  the  Mayor  sent  an  apology  to  the  offended  persons. 

In  Illinois  police  judges  are  practically  appointed 
by  the  Governor,  as  in  Massachusetts.  There  are  in 
Chicago  forty-eight  justices  of  the  peace,  having  a 
term  of  office  of  four  years.  A  justice  must  be  rec- 
ommended to  the  Governor  of  the  State  by  a  majority 
of  the  judges  of  the  Cook  County  Circuit  and  Superior 
Courts.  If  approved  by  the  Governor  the  name  of  the 
proposed  justice  must  be  sent  to  the  State  Senate,  which 
accepts  or  rejects  him.  It  being  necessary  for  these 
three  tribunals  to  pass  upon  the  names  of  the  justices, 
a  good  class  of  men  fill  the  places.  They  are  usually 
lawyers,  and  their  jurisdiction  is  limited  to  suits  where 
the  amount  involved  does  not  exceed  two  hundred  dol- 
lars. From  these  justices  of  the  peace  the  Mayor  of 
Chicago  selects  as  many  police  magistrates  as  may  be 
necessary,  and  the  city  pays  their  salaries.  The  Mayor 
can  at  any  time  revoke  his  appointments  and  name 
other  justices  to  act  as  police  magistrates,  but  those 
once  appointed  usually  continue  to  hold  the  office. 
The  police  magistrates  and  other  justices  rarely  practice  . 
in  the  courts,  though  there  is  no  statute  to  prevent 
them  if  they  are  lawyers. 

In  Massachusetts  the  magistrates  are  appointed  for 
life  by  the  Governor  of  the  State.  They  can  be  removed 
only  by  "  the  Governor  with  the  consent  of  the  Council, 


88  POLICE  COURTS. 

and  upon  the  address  of  both  Houses  of  the  Legislature." 
In  Boston  the  police  magistrates  are  called  judges  of 
the  municipal  court.  There  are  a  chief  justice,  with  a 
salary  of  $4,300,  also  four  associate  justices  receiving 
$4,000  each,  and  one  special  justice  at  $4,000.  These 
magistrates  are  well  paid ;  for  the  justices  of  the  Su- 
preme Court,  the  highest  court  in  the  Commonwealth, 
receive  only  $7,000  annually,  the  chief  justice  having 
$7,500,  with  $500  for  traveling  expenses.  The  police 
judges  of  Boston  spend  nearly  all  their  time  in  court. 
These  courts  have  a  limited  civil  as  well  as  criminal 
jurisdiction,  but  no  juries.  The  police  magistrates  are 
absolutely  free  from  politics  after  appointment,  and 
there  never  has  been  a  breath  of  suspicion  that  they  are 
corrupt.  As  the  Governor  can  ask  nothing  of  them 
after  appointment,  on  account  of  their  independent  po- 
sition, he  does  not  appoint  party  workers,  although  the 
places  are  sometimes  awarded  to  able  lawyers  who  have 
supported  the  political  party  in  power.  Many  appoint- 
ments have  been  made  regardless  of  political  services. 

In  Berlin,  Paris  and  Birmingham  there  are  central 
courthouses  both  for  the  criminal  courts  of  record  and 
for  police  courts.  In  each  case  prisons  are  in  the  build- 
ings or  contiguous  to  them.  The  central  criminal  court- 
house system  is  good  for  cities  of  moderate  size,  but  in 
large  cities  it  involves  the  maintenance  of  a  number  of 
transports  or  "  Black  Marias,"  to  convey  the  prisoners 
from  the  district  police  stations  to  the  central  court- 
house. 

In  the  city  of  New  York  there  are  eight  police 


CRIMINAL  COURTHOUSES.  89 

courthouses,  in  various  parts  of  the  city,  and  a  new 
central  building  for  the  criminal  courts  of  record  (called 
the  General  Sessions)  has  just  been  completed.  It  ad- 
joins the  central  City  Prison,  or  "  The  Tombs."  The 
poorer  portion  of  the  population  depend  upon  the  minor 
civil  and  criminal  courts  for  the  enforcement  of  their 
rights  and  liberties,  and  impartial  administration  of 
criminal  justice  is  one  of  the  highest  aims  of  municipal 
government. 


CHAPTER   VIII. 

EXCISE. 

The  subject  of  the  sale  of  liquor  is  not  strictly  a 
matter  of  municipal  administration;  but  enforcement 
of  the  liquor  law  is  such  an  important  matter  in  cities 
having  a  large  foreign  population  that  brief  reference 
should  be  made  to  it.  The  police  force  in  large  cities 
is  often  corrupted  by  the  liquor  dealers — that  is,  the 
police  are  paid  to  allow  the  sale  of  liquor  during  the 
entire  night  or  on  Sunday.  Public  sentiment  in  towns 
and  villages  is  strongly  in  favor  of  temperance,  and  in 
some  States,  like  Maine  and  Iowa,  a  prohibition  law 
remains  on  the  statute  book,  although  it  is  not  strictly 
enforced.  Public  opinion  in  cities  containing  a  large  for- 
eign population  is  in  favor  of  allowing  the  sale  of  liquor 
on  Sunday,  and  in  the  city  of  New  York  the  law  has 
been  defied  for  many  years.  Constant  violation  of  the 
excise  law  compels  Germans  and  other  foreigners  to 
look  upon  the  city  government  with  contempt  instead 
of  respect.  When  these  newcomers  see  a  police  force 
and  other  city  officials  bribed  to  allow  the  sale  of  liquor, 
they  must  necessarily  have  a  very  low  opinion  of  our 
institutions. 

The  President  of  the  Police  Board  of  the  city  of 

(90) 


SUNDAY  OPENING.  91 

New  York  testified  recently  before  a  legislative  com- 
mittee that  for  several  years  a  practice  had  existed 
among  policemen  of  accepting  bribes  from  liquor  sellers 
whom  they  detected  violating  the  excise  law.  The 
police  commissioners  passed  a  resolution  condemning 
the  bribery,  and  abolishing  the  so-called  spy  system,  so 
that  weak  policemen  might  not  be  tempted.  The  Presi- 
dent added  that  he  hoped  this  disapproval  of  black- 
mail would  abolish  the  evil,  and  he  believed  that,  to  a 
large  extent,  it  had  done  so. 

In  England  saloons  are  closed  during  church  hours 
on  Sunday.  In  France  the  saloons  are  open  on  Sunday, 
and  the  revenue  from  the  sale  of  liquor  goes  to  the  State 
instead  of  to  the  city. 

In  1893  a  bill  was  introduced  in  the  New  York 
Legislature  to  submit  to  the  people  the  question  of 
Sunday  opening.  It  was  strongly  opposed  by  evangel- 
ical associations  and  the  Excise  Keform  Association  of 
the  city  of  New  York,  and  never  was  reported.  It 
seems  a  feasible  solution  of  the  problem  in  large  cities 
to  submit  to  the  voters  the  question,  "  Shall  the  public 
sale  of  liquors  be  allowed  on  Sunday?"  If  this  ques- 
tion could  be  settled,  it  would  take  away  from  the  police 
force  the  chief  source  of  corruption.  The  brewers 
and  liquor  dealers  hold  the  balance  of  political  power  in 
some  cities. 

Philadelphia  is  one  of  the  few  large  cities  that  have 
adopted  a  strong  high  license  law  and  it  has  proved 
satisfactory.  When  the  new  excise  law  took  effect,  in 
1888,  the  number  of  retail  licenses  was  reduced  from 


92  EXCISE. 

5,573  to  1,343 — i.  e.,  one  license  to  every  747  people. 
The  ratio  in  1894  was  one  to  677. 

There  is  much  to  be  said  on  both  sides  concerning 
the  subject  of  high  license.  The  great  desideratum  is 
to  have  the  liquor  traffic  properly  controlled.  It  would 
be  well  to  enact  a  law  to  the  effect  that  only  one  license 
to  sell  liquor  should  be  granted  for  every  five  hundred 
inhabitants,  which  would  prevent  undue  multiplication 
of  saloons.  It  has  been  suggested  to  sell  liquor  licenses 
to  the  highest  bidder  rather  than  allow  a  person  to  take 
out  a  license  for  a  definite  fee ;  that  is,  the  place,  not 
the  person,  should  be  licensed.  The  law  might  be  en- 
forced by  providing,  that  the  second  breach  should 
nullify  the  license,  and  that  the  same  place  could  not 
be  relicensed  within  a  year. 

There  is  in  New  York  State  a  law  prohibiting  the 
sale  of  liquors  to  minors,  yet  it  is  rarely  enforced.  In 
1892  a  law  was  passed  whereby  no  saloon  could  be 
placed  within  two  hundred  feet  of  a  church  or  school- 
house,  and  there  are  in  the  city  of  New  York  many 
churches  and  schools  within  about  two  hundred  feet  of 
a  liquor  saloon. 

In  1887  and  1888  a  Eepublican  Legislature  passed 
high-license  bills  applying  only  to  the  larger  cities  of 
the  State,  but  they  were  vetoed  by  Governor  Hill.  In 
1892  a  new  excise  law  was  enacted,  allowing  a  limited 
number  of  so-called  all-night  licenses  in  the  city  of  New 
York.  The  law  provided  that  the  action  of  the  Excise 
Commissioners  must  be  approved  by  the  Board  of  Al- 
dermen, but  this  act  was  repealed  in  1893,  and  the 


ALL-NIGHT  LICENSES.  93 

power  is  now  vested  wholly  in  the  Board  of  Excise. 
On  January  1,  1894,  there  were  in  New  York  8,968 
licenses,  or  one  for  every  200  inhabitants,  paying  an 
average  license  fee  of  $200.  The  total  receipts  were 
$1,747,860,  or  $431,140  less  than  Philadelphia  receives 
from  only  2,179  saloons. 

In  Pittsburg  the  liquor  traffic  is  regulated  by  high 
license  and  local  option ;  in  Boston,  by  high  license, 
numerical  enumeration  and  local  option;  in  Chicago, 
by  high  license  only ;  in  St.  Louis,  by  local  option  and 
high  license ;  in  Detroit,  by  local  option ;  in  Minneapo- 
lis and  St.  Paul,  by  high  license,  with  prohibition  of 
saloons  in  residential  quarters ;  in  Atlanta,  by  local  op- 
tion and  high  license ;  in  the  larger  cities  of  New  York, 
by  low  license  only. 

It  is  not  my  purpose  to  discuss  the  subject  of  drunk- 
enness, but  investigations  have  shown  that  a  strict  en- 
forcement of  a  practicable  liquor  law  decreases  the 
amount  of  intemperance.  The  municipal  authorities  of 
the  United  States  would  do  well  to  adopt  the  ordinance 
of  Berlin,  to  the  effect  that  a  saloon  keeper  forfeits  his 
license  if  he  allows  a  customer  to  become  intoxicated 
more  than  once  in  his  saloon.  The  true  solution  of  tlie 
liquor  problem  is,  perhaps,  to  abolish  the  system  of 
licensing,  with  the  discretionary  power  it  allows  to  the 
grantors,  and  substitute  the  system  of  taxing  liquor,  by 
which  there  is  no  chance  of  favoritism. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

WATER,   GAS  AND   ELECTRICITY. 

Water. — It  is  impossible  to  over-estimate  the  impor- 
tance of  an  abundance  of  pure  and  wholesome  water  for 
a  city.  The  ownership  of  waterworks  varies  in  different 
cities,  both  in  the  Old  and  in  the  New  World.  In  Lon- 
don the  water  is  supplied  by  private  companies.  In 
Birmingham  and  Glasgow  the  waterworks  belong  to  the 
city.  On  the  Continent  of  Europe  the  State  performs 
generally  what  is  done  by  private  companies  both  in 
England  and  in  the  United  States.  The  waterworks 
of  Paris  are  owned  by  the  city. 

In  Berlin  the  water  supply  now  belongs  to  the  cor- 
poration, but  it  was  not  until  1873  that  the  munici- 
pality took  the  waterworks  under  its  control,  and  great 
public  benefit  has  followed  the  change.  The  peculiar 
feature  of  the  water  supply  in  Berlin  is,  that  the  water 
is  sold  to  the  residents  like  gas — that  is,  by  meter — and 
this  system  has  been  found  to  work  well. 

In  the  United  States  the  larger  cities  own  the  water- 
works, as  a  general  rule,  but  the  smaller  cities  and 
towns  are  often  supplied  with  water  by  private  parties 
or  incorporated  companies. 

(94) 


THE  CROTON  AQUEDUCT.  95 

The  city  of  New  York  is  supplied  by  the  well-known 
Croton  Aqueduct,  one  of  the  largest  in  the  world. 
Its  length  is  thirty-eight  miles.  This  public  work  was 
finished  in  1842,  and  its  original  flowing  capacity  was 
about  90,000,000  gallons  a  day.  (See  page  66.)  The 
cost,  including  the  Croton  Dam  and  Reservoir,  was 
$8,575,000.  This  aqueduct  was  built  by  a  referendum^ 
chapter  256  of  the  laws  of  1834  providing  that  the 
proposal  to  construct  a  new  aqueduct  be  submitted  to 
the  voters  of  the  city. 

A  law  was  passed  in  1883  to  build  a  new  aque- 
duct from  the  Croton  River  watershed  to  the  city  of 
New  York.  This  stupendous  public  work  became  a 
harvest  for  politicians ;  large  sums  of  money  have  been 
squandered  upon  it,  and  much  of  the  work  had  to  be 
done  over.  The  defective  work  was,  in  part,  owing  to 
corrupt  inspectors  and  engineers,  who  approved  work 
that  was  not  only  contrary  to  specifications,  but  done 
in  a  most  scandalous  manner.  Several  sections  were 
renewed,  and  suits  for  colossal  amounts  were  brought 
by  the  contractors  against  the  city,  but  they  were  for- 
tunately defeated. 

Throughout  the  Croton  watershed  many  farmhouses 
had  been  erected  close  to  Croton  River  and  its  tribu- 
taries, so  that  the  drainage  of  houses  and  barnyards 
went  into  the  river  and  polluted  the  water  supply  of  the 
great  city.  Accordingly,  a  stringent  law  was  passed  in 
1893,  giving  the  Commissioner  of  Public  Works  plenary 
powers  to  remove  all  offensive  buildings.  The  New  York 
Academy  of  Medicine  undertook  to  perfect  this  Croton 


96  WATER,  GAS  AND  ELECTRICITY. 

watershed  bill.  Their  representatives  went  before  the 
Legislative  Committee  at  Albany  and  suggested  cer- 
tain necessary  amendments.  They  quoted  the  experi- 
ence of  water  companies  in  Europe,  especially  in  Eng- 
land ;  but  they  were  prevented  from  citing  foreign  cases, 
because  one  of  the  demagogues  on  the  committee  said  : 
"  We  don't  want  to  hear  anything  about  England ;  we 
can  make  laws  for  ourselves."  In  other  words,  this  nar- 
row-minded statesman  wished  to  spend  millions  of  the 
city's  money  without  regard  to  the  principles  of  hy- 
draulic engineering  and  sanitation,  and  he  ignored 
the  tried  and  successful  methods  of  other  countries. 
American  physicians,  scientists  and  jurists  are  very 
glad  to  learn  from  their  brethren  in  foreign  lands, 
but  the  American  politician  believes  that  the  science  of 
government  and  the  construction  of  public  works  must 
be  carried  out  on  the  "  spread-eagle "  system,  without 
regard  to  the  knowledge  and  experience  of  older  coun- 
tries. When  the  committee  of  the  New  York  Academy 
of  Medicine  vrent  to  the  Mayor  of  the  city  to  protest 
against  some  objectionable  features  of  this  watershed 
bill,  he  replied,  "  I  am  afraid  the  doctors  are  going  into 
politics." 

The  total  length  of  the  new  aqueduct  is  thirty-two 
miles.  It  had  cost,  up  to  March  1,  1894,  128,083,000, 
and  it  is  now  calculated  that  $35,000,000  will  be  ex- 
pended before  the  aqueduct  and  storage  reservoirs  are 
completed,  or  about  three  times  the  amount  of  the 
original  estimate.  It  is  thought  that  the  new  aque- 
duct will  pay  for  itself  out  of  water  rents  in  about 


ANNUAL  WATER  CHARGES.         97 

forty  years.  The  total  daily  capacity  is  315,000,000 
gallons. 

In  New  York  the  regular  annual  rents  vary  accord- 
ing to  the  frontage  of  buildings — e.  g.^  a  four-storied 
house  twenty-two  and  a  half  to  twenty-five  feet  wide, 
occupied  by  one  family,  is  charged  eleven  dollars.  A 
three-storied  house  twenty-five  to  thirty  feet  in  width 
pays  twelve  dollars,  while  a  five-storied  house  sixteen 
feet  and  under  is  charged  eight  dollars.  There  is  an 
extra  rate  of  one  dollar  per  year  for  each  additional 
family. 

Some  of  the  extra  and  miscellaneous  annual  rates 
are  as  follows : 

BaJceries :  Three  dollars. 

Barber  Shops :  From  five  to  twenty  dollars  each.* 

Dining  Saloons :  From  five  to  twenty  dollars  each.* 

Horse- Troughs  :  For  each  trough,  and  for  each  half 
barrel  or  tub  on  sidewalk  or  street,  twenty  dollars. 

Laundries  :  From  eight  to  twenty  dollars  each.* 

Liquor  and  Lager  Beer  Saloons :  Ten  dollars  each. 
An  additional  charge  of  five  dollars  is  made  for  each  tap 
or  wash-box. 

Soda,  Mineral  Water  and  Root  Beer  Fountains : 
Five  dollars  each. 

Water-  Closets  and  Urinals :  To  each  building  on  a 
lot,  one  water-closet  having  sewer  connections  is  allowed 
without  charge ;  each  additional  water-closet  (for  each 
seat)  and  each  urinal  will  be  charged  two  dollars  per 

*  In  the  discretion  of  the  Commissioner  of  Public  Works. 


98  WATER,  GAS  AND  ELECTRICITY. 

annum,  whether  in  a  building  or  on  any  other  portion 
of  the  premises. 

In  the  city  of  New  York  water  meters  are  provided 
for  hotels,  stores,  stables,  factories  and  public  edifices, 
but  not  for  private  dwellings.  Where  the  water  supply 
is  scant,  there  is  great  advantage  in  using  water  me- 
ters ;  but  in  the  case  of  private  dwellings  or  tenement 
houses  it  seems  better  for  the  public  health  to  allow  the 
inmates  an  unlimited  supply.  Water  measured  by  meter 
costs  ten  cents  per  one  hundred  feet.  The  fairest  and 
most  logical  method  of  water  charges  is  hy  meter. 
Large  reservoirs  are  common  in  American  cities.  For 
example,  the  new  reservoir  in  Central  Park,  New  York, 
has  an  area  of  106  acres,  and  its  capacity  exceeds 
1,000,000,000  gallons. 

In  Chicago  the  water  supply  is  owned  by  the  city, 
and  is  obtained  from  Lake  Michigan.  Cribs  have  been 
constructed  several  miles  from  the  shore,  the  principal 
one  being  four  miles  distant.  The  sewage  from  the 
city,  up  to  a  recent  period,  has  been  drained  into  the 
lake.  Hence  the  reason  for  constructing  the  cribs  at  a 
great  distance  from  the  shore.  A  scientific  system  of 
sewerage  is  now  in  course  of  construction,  whereby  the 
drainage  will  be  sent  westward  by  a  canal  to  Illinois 
River.     (See  page  156.) 

The  corporation  of  Philadelphia  owns  its  water- 
works, and  the  Fairmount  Works  on  the  Schuylkill 
furnishes  the  chief  source  of  supply.  Many  small 
cities  in  the  older  States  are  supplied  by  private  com- 
panies.   I  know  of  a  city  that  had  originally  an  option 


BATES  OF  PRIVATE  COMPANIES.  99 

of  purchasing  the  waterworks,  but  the  authorities 
neglected  to  exercise  it,  and  now  this  municipality 
suffers  from  the  exorbitant  rates  of  a  private  corpo- 
ration. 

In  Philadelphia  the  rate  for  a  dwelling  with  a  hy- 
di'ant  in  the  yard  and  a  faucet  in  the  kitchen,  or  having 
either  alone,  is  five  dollars  a  year.  Additional  charges 
are  made  in  dwellings  for  other  connections.  The 
price  per  water  meter  in  factories  is  thirty  cents  per 
1,000  cubic  feet. 

In  Chicago  the  frontage  rates  are  a  little  higher 
than  those  of  Kew  York,  and  the  special  or-class  rates 
are  about  the  same. 

The  water  charges  of  private  companies  in  different 
cities  vary  so  much  that  I  have  not  space  to  give  de- 
tails ;  but  as  a  rule  their  charges  are  based  upon  the 
number  of  faucets  or  places  to  draw  from.  In  New- 
port, R.  I.,  the  annual  rate  for  the  first  faucet  in 
dwelling-houses  occupied  by  one  family  is  seven  dollars ; 
when  the  house  is  occupied  by  more  than  one  family, 
one  faucet  only  being  in  use  for  all,  each  family  pays 
six  dollars.  The  rate  for  the  first  water-closet  (self- 
closing)  is  five  dollars,  and  for  each  additional  water- 
closet  four  dollars.  The  price  is  the  same  for  bath- 
tubs. There  are,  of  course,  special  rates  for  hotels, 
boarding-houses,  stables,  markets,  factories,  public  bath- 
houses, etc. 

The  city  of  Albany,  N.  Y.  (population  100,000), 
affords  a  good  illustration  of  selfish  ring  rule  concern- 
ing the  water  supply.     The  people  of  Albany  drink 


100  WATER,  GAS  AND  ELECTRICITY. 

practically  the  sewage  water  of  the  city  of  Troy,  six 
miles  distant.  Instead  of  tapping  the  pure  water  of 
the  Hudson  by  the  construction  of  an  aqueduct  not 
exceeding  fifteen  miles  in  length,  or  obtaining  a  sup- 
ply from  the  neighboring  hills,  the  water  ring  of  Al- 
bany steadily  refuses  to  furnish  the  inhabitants  with 
water  suitable  for  drinking.  The  supply  is,  of  course, 
abundant,  for  the  city  fronts  on  the  Hudson,  and  the 
water  is  pumped  up  from  the  river,  the  greater  part  of 
the  city  being  upon  an  undulating  plateau  about  one 
hundred  feet  above  the  stream. 

In  New  Orleans  the  waterworks  belong  to  a  private 
corporation,  of  which  the  city  owns  a  certain  number 
of  shares.  Accordingly,  the  Mayor,  treasurer,  and  com- 
missioner of  police  and  public  buildings  are  ex  officio 
members  of  the  board  of  directors. 

The  waterworks  of  Kansas  City,  Mo.,  were  built  by 
a  private  company,  under  a  contract  giving  the  munici- 
pality the  right  of  purchase  at  the  end  of  a  term  of 
years.  In  1894  a  bitter  and  protracted  legal  struggle 
was  finished,  whereby  the  Circuit  Court  of  the  United 
States  decided  in  favor  of  the  city  by  giving  it  pos- 
session of  the  waterworks,  and  fixing  the  purchase 
price  at  $2,714,000. 

As  in  other  public  undertakings,  it  is  well  in  grant- 
ing a  franchise  or  charter  to  a  water  company  that  the 
city  should  reserve  the  right  to  buy  out  the  stock- 
holders ;  but,  before  that  right  is  exercised,  the  question 
should  be  submitted  to  a  vote  of  the  citizens. 

The  city  of  Glasgow,  Scotland,  which  has  a  model 


GLASGOW  AND  LONDON.  101 

municipal  government,  has  lately  purchased  the  water- 
works. The  supply  comes  from  Loch  Katrine,  and  it 
has  proved  a  paying  investment  for  the  corporation. 

It  is  urged  by  "  Progressives  "  in  London  that  the 
great  metropolis  should  buy  out  the  water  companies. 
Mr.  John  Burns,  M.  P.,  who  is  also  a  member  of  the 
London  County  Council,  thus  speaks  of  the  London 
water  supply  :  "  What  a  different  tale  does  London  tell 
from  the  municipal  enterprise  of  Glasgow  on  this  ques- 
tion !  London  has  to  pay  a  tremendous  price  for  its 
timidity  in  grappling  with  its  proper  work.  London 
pays  $8,500,000  for  water  that  costs  the  companies  only 
$3,500,000.  This  surplus  of  15,000,000,  or  two  thirds  of 
the  London  County  Council's  rate-earned  income,  is  the 
exaggerated  rent  of  ability  and  interest  that  private 
companies  are  allowed  to  take  from  Londoners  for  a 
water  supply  that  is  rightly  the  corporate  property  of 
the  people  whom  they  supply."  * 

The  water  supply  of  London  is  so  scant  that  no 
waste  is  permitted.  Water  is  measured  and  paid  for. 
Every  family  bargains  for  the  necessary  number  of  gal- 
lons daily,  and  the  amount  is  placed  in  tanks.  At  noon 
the  supply  from  the  water  main  is  shut  off. 

The  city  of  Birmingham,  England,  did  not  own  its 
waterworks  until  1876.  It  is  so  common  for  private 
corporations  to  construct  waterworks  in  Great  Britain, 
that  in  1882  some  London  capitalists  attempted  to  con- 
struct waterworks  for  the  city  of  New  York.    They  pro- 

*  The  Nineteenth  Century,  April,  1893. 


102  WATER,  GAS  AND  ELECTRICITY. 

posed  to  take  the  water  of  Ramapo  River,  about  thirty- 
five  miles  from  New  York,  and  conduct  it  through  a 
system  of  pipes  to  the  city;  but  the  proposition  was  re- 
jected by  the  commissioners  of  the  sinking  fund.  In 
1880  an  English  company  obtained  a  concession  to  erect 
waterworks  to  supply  the  western  suburbs  of  Vienna. 

It  seems  that  the  cheapest  way  to  supply  the  inhabit- 
ants in  a  city  or  town  with  a  satisfactory  water  service 
is  by  a  well-guarded  and  equitable  franchise  granted  to 
a  private  corporation,  with  prices  regulated  by  ordi- 
nance. It  is  then  known  in  advance  exactly  what  has 
to  be  provided  for  and  paid.  On  the  other  hand,  when 
the  municipality  owns  the  works  the  constant  appropri- 
ation paid  out  of  the  tax-levy,  for  various  necessary  but 
oftentimes  unnecessary  purposes,  makes  the  total  cost 
greater,  although  the  rates  to  private  consumers  may 
appear  les5  on  the  water  bills  than  those  that  would  be 
paid  to  a  private  corporation  in  a  similar  city. 

Municipal  ownership  of  waterworks  is  constantly 
growing  more  popular.  When  they  are  thus  owned  the 
average  citizen  seems  to  feel  a  sort  of  joint  proprietor- 
ship in  "  our  water  plant,"  and  the  local  politician  uses 
the  patronage  which  the  operation  of  the  works  affords, 
as  well  as  the  contracts  required  for  repairs  and  im- 
provements, to  advance  his  own  interests,  politically  and 
perhaps  sometimes  financially. 

Gas. — Illuminating  coal  gas  was  invented  in  Bir- 
mingham, England,  and  that  city  since  1875  has  owned 
the  gas  works,  which  now  yield  a  yearly  profit  of  $125,- 
000.     In  1814  gas-lighting  was  introduced  in  London, 


MUNICIPAL  GAS-WORKS.  103 

and  English  companies  soon  obtained  permission  to 
supply  Continental  towns  with  gas.  In  London  there 
are  several  companies ;  but  the  price  is  regulated  by  the 
market  value  of  coal  and  the  rate  of  wages,  and  the  city 
gets  the  benefit  of  the  bargain.  According  to  Mr.  John 
Burns,  the  municipal  gas-works  of  Glasgow  yield  a 
yearly  revenue  of  $265,000.  He  says,  "  London,  in  con- 
trast to  this  prosperity,  allows  its  lighting  to  yield  over 
$5,000,000  profit  to  private  firms."  * 

Paris  is  supplied  by  a  private  company,  which  di- 
vides its  profits  with  the  municipality,  as  a  considera- 
tion for  the  franchise.  Gas  was  introduced  in  this  city 
in  1815. 

Municipal  gas-works  are  quite  common  in  Germany. 
At  present  (1894)  thirty  German  towns  own  their  gas- 
works. In  Berlin  the  use  of  oil  lamps  for  public  and 
domestic  lighting  was  continued  until  1827.  In  that 
year  a  British  company,  which  had  already  obtained 
contracts  in  other  German  towns,  obtained  a  franchise 
for  supplying  gas  to  Berlin  for  the  term  of  twenty-one 
years.  Before  the  expiration  of  this  concession  the 
corporation  of  Berlin,  being  satisfied  that  the  growth  of 
the  city  and  the  large  profits  of  the  English  company 
warranted  the  construction  of  municipal  gas-works,  built 
in  1847  a  gas  establishment,  and  refused  to  renew  the 
concession.  The  British  company  instantly  reduced  the 
price  of  gas  per  thousand  cubic  feet  from  $2.40  to  $1.20, 
and  the  latter  also  became  the  price  of  the  municipal 

*  The  Nineteenth  Century,  April,  1892. 


104  WATER,  GAS  AND  ELECTRICITY. 

gas.  The  corporation  of  Berlin  receives  from  the  city 
gas-works  an  annual  profit  of  11,300,000. 

"With  the  improved  methods  of  manufacturing  gas, 
the  price  has  been  reduced,  and  the  American  house- 
keeper may  wish  to  know  that  the  net  price  per  thou- 
sand feet  in  Berlin  is  now  ninety-six  cents  for  private 
consumption.  Berlin  is,  with  the  possible  exception  of 
Paris,  as  well  lighted  at  night  as  any  other  city. 

In  1883  the  corporation  of  Berlin  granted  to  a  pri- 
vate company  a  franchise  to  supply  electric  lights,  and 
the  principal  streets  are  now  illuminated  by  electricity ; 
but  it  is  too  expensive  to  be  adopted  by  the  general 
consumer. 

It  may  interest  commissioners  of  public  parks  in 
American  cities  to  learn  that  in  Berlin  no  gas  mains 
are  laid  in  the  public  gardens,  on  account  of  possible 
damage  to  trees  and  shrubs  by  tearing  up  the  ground. 
Electricity  and  petroleum  lamps  are  used  for  the  illumi- 
nation of  the  public  parks.* 

Few  American  cities  own  gas-works.  Exceptions 
are  Philadelphia,  Danville,  Alexandria,  Fredericksburg, 
Eichmond  and  Charlottesville,  Va.,  Bellefontaine  and 
Hamilton,  Ohio,  Duluth,  Minn.,  Henderson,  Ky., 
Wheeling,  W.  Va.  and  Sonoma,  Cal. 

Gas  was  introduced  in  Philadelphia  in  1835.  It 
was  made  by  a  private  company,  but  the  municipality 
reserved  the  right  to  buy  out  the  stockholders.     This 

*  I  have  taken  these  facts  from  A  Study  in  Municipal  Gov- 
ernment (the  Corporation  of  Berlin),  by  James  Pollard. 


THE  PHILADELPHIA  GAS  RING.  105 

was  done  in  1841,  with  the  motive  of  keeping  the  gas- 
works out  of  politics,  by  vesting  their  control  in  a 
board  of  twelve  trustees,  each  serving  for  three  years. 
They  were  appointed  by  the  City  Council,  but  when 
the  Council  tried  to  obtain  control  of  the  works  the 
courts  were  appealed  to.  A  decision  was  made  to  the 
effect  that  the  board,  as  trustees  of  the  bondholders, 
could  not  be  interfered  with  until  the  last  of  the  bonds, 
issued  under  this  arrangement,  had  been  paid  off,  and  it 
was  not  until  1855  that  the  city  authorities  were  able  to 
break  up  this  political  gas  trust.* 

The  price  of  gas  in  Philadelphia  is  now  one  dollar 
per  thousand  feet.  In  Boston  and  Detroit  the  price  is 
the  same,  while  in  Cleveland,  Ohio,  the  cost  is  but 
eighty  cents,  which  is  probably  the  lowest  of  any  Amer- 
ican city. 

Municipal  gas-works  are  not  popular  in  the  United 
States,  owing  to  the  general  prejudice  against  a  city's 
engaging  in  anything  but  what  are  commonly  con- 
sidered strictly  governmental  matters.  A  corrupt  ring 
is  almost  certain  to  be  formed,  if  the  supply  of  gas, 
electricity,  etc.,  be  controlled  by  the  city  government. 
This  feeling  grows  out  of  the  general  principle  that 
the  best  government  is  that  which  rules  least.  The  gas 
in  the  city  of  ISTew  York  is  supplied  by  private  com- 
panies, the  principal  of  which  is  known  as  the  Consoli- 
dated Gas  Company,  having  a  paid-up  capital  of  $35,- 


*  See  the  chapter  on  the  Philadelphia  gas  ring  in  Bryce's 
American  Commonwealth. 


106  WATER,  GAS -AND  ELECTRICITY. 

430,000.  In  1886  the  Legislature  passed  a  law  to  reduce 
the  price  of  gas  to  $1.25  per  thousand  cubic  feet,  and 
the  corporations  complain  that  it  is  absurd  to  regulate 
by  law  the  price  of  their  product  without  regulating 
also  the  price  of  the  items  that  compose  the  cost,  such 
as  labor,  coal,  naphtha,  etc.  In  the  event  of  a  strike, 
or  increase  of  wages,  or  a  rise  in  the  price  of  coal,  the 
companies  would,  of  course,  be  compelled  to  supply  gas 
at  a  greatly  reduced  profit,  if  not  at  an  actual  loss,  and 
these  companies  maintain  that  for  the  public  to  obtain 
the  most  satisfactory  results,  a  fair  return  on  the  capital 
should  be  allowed,  and  an  illuminating  and  purity 
standard  established.  Then  the  price  to  the  customers 
should  be  increased  or  decreased  according  to  the  cost 
of  manufacture — i.  e.,  when  the  company  is  able  to  re- 
duce the  cost  of  gas,  the  greater  part  of  such  reduction 
should  go  to  the  consumer  in  a  lower  price,  and  a  small 
portion  of  such  reduction  should  go  to  the  company  in 
the  shape  of  increased  dividends.  In  case  of  increase 
in  the  cost,  the  reverse  of  this  system  should  be  fol- 
lowed. This  will  always  make  it  to  the  interest  of  the 
company  to  reduce  the  price,  which  is  virtually  the 
London  plan.  Large  profits  have  been  made  by  Amer- 
ican gas  companies. 

Electricity  has  superseded  gas  in  many  American 
cities  and  towns,  as  well  as  in  some  of  the  large  cities 
of  Europe ;  but  it  is  dearer  than  gas,  even  if  the  illu- 
minating power  of  a  given  number  of  gas  lamps  and 
electric  lights  be  considered. 

Electeicity. — About  1883  electricity  began  to  be 


AN  ELECTRIC-LIGHT  "COMBINE."  107 

used  extensively  for  lighting  the  streets  of  the  large 
cities.  The  first  companies  naturally  obtained  a  monop- 
oly, but  others  were  soon  formed,  and  they  attempted 
to  compete  for  the  illumination  of  streets.  The  city  of 
New  York  affords  a  good  illustration  of  the  original 
monopoly  of  electric  lighting.  For  several  years  two 
companies  supplied  electricity  at  exorbitant  prices. 
They  were  receiving  seventy  cents  a  night  for  each  elec- 
tric light,  when  other  companies  offered  to  furnish  the 
same  light  for  twenty-five  cents.  In  1887  a  desperate 
struggle  took  place,  as  several  companies  attempted  to 
compete  with  the  two  companies  that  supplied  the  me- 
tropolis with  electricity,  and  a  "  combine  "  was  formed 
in  the  New  York  Common  Council.  The  attorneys  of 
the  would-be  competing  companies  appeared  before  an 
aldermanic  committee,  but  their  applications  were  re- 
fused. The  committee  declined  even  to  report  the  reso- 
lutions granting  them  a  franchise.  Accordingly,  one  of 
the  honest  members  of  the  Council  moved  to  discharge 
the  committee  from  further  consideration  of  the  sub- 
ject ;  but  after  a  long  debate  his  motion  received  but 
four  votes  against  fifteen.  The  newspapers  at  once 
raised  the  cry  of  "  Boodle  ! "  and  for  several  weeks  the 
subject  was  agitated.  Meanwhile  the  bosses  of  the  two 
Democratic  factions  in  the  city  wished  to  avoid  the 
scandal  of  the  Board  of  Aldermen  of  1884,  which  had 
just  been  made  public,  and  summoned  the  refractory 
members  of  the  " combine"  and  advised  them  to  vote  to 
allow  the  other  electric-light  companies  to  compete. 
The  power  of  the  press  on  this  occasion  was,  I  think, 


108  WATER,  GAS  AND  ELECTRICITY. 

shown  more  clearly  than  in  any  other  case  of  late  years. 
One  Democratic  journal  published  a  chart  of  the  alder- 
men, and  compared  them  with  the  city  fathers  of  1884, 
two  of  whom  were  in  Sing  Sing,  some  in  Canada,  and 
others  awaiting  trial.     It  closed  the  article  in  these 

words :  "  Do  these  new  scoundrels  wish  to  follow  J 

and  M to  Sing  Sing,  or  do  they  intend  to  invoke  a 

vigilance  committee  and  lynch  law  here  in  this  orderly 
and  patient  city  ?  " 

After  a  struggle  of  nearly  a  month  the  "combine" 
was  broken,  and,  of  the  twenty-four  aldermen,  all  ex- 
cept two  voted  to  give  the  other  electric-light  compa- 
nies the  right  to  furnish  electricity  to  the  city  and  also 
to  private  individuals.  The  Mayor  promptly  approved 
the  resolution.  The  bids  for  supplying  light  to  the  city 
for  the  current  year  were  postponed  until  the  other 
electric-light  companies  were  allowed  to  compete.  Dur- 
ing the  agitation  the  original  companies  reduced  their 
bids  from  seventy  to  fifty  cents  a  light.  The  gas  com- 
mission, consisting  of  the  Mayor,  comptroller  and  com- 
missioner of  public  works,  finally  received  bids  as  low  as 
twenty-five  cents  a  night  for  each  light.  The  contracts 
were  then  drawn,  and,  from  a  calculation  which  I  have 
made,  the  city  saved  about  $68,000  a  year  on  account  of 
the  reduced  cost  of  supplying  electricity.* 

Prof.  J.  R.  Commons,  in  the  chapter  on  Munici- 
pal Monopolies,  in  his  book  on  Social  Reform  and 
the  Church,  after  discussing   the  comparative  cost  of 

*  I  was  then  a  member  of  the  Common  Council. 


ELECTRIC  TRAMWAYS.  109 

water  and  gas,  says :  "  Electric  lighting  shows  even 
more  startling  comparisons.  The  average  cost  per 
light  per  year,  of  arcs  operated  by  twenty-three  cities,  is 
$53.04.  Making  the  very  liberal  allowance  of  twelve 
per  cent  on  the  total  cost  of  plant  and  buildings,  for 
interest,  depreciation  and  taxes,  the  average  cost  is 
$86.64,  and  at  an  allowance  of  seven  per  cent  the  cost  is 
only  $75.64.  But  twenty-nine  private  companies,  under 
substantially  similar  conditions,  and  for  the  same  lights, 
receive  an  average  of  $106.61 — from  twenty  to  forty  per 
cent  higher  than  public  cost." 

Since  1886  electricity  has  been  largely  used  as  a 
motive  power  in  American  cities.  In  New  York  the 
Board  of  Aldermen  of  1888  authorized  the  Fourth  Ave- 
nue Railroad  Company  to  use  electric  motors  on  its  line. 
Since  then  the  overhead  or  "  trolley  "  wire  railway  has 
been  introduced  into  many  of  our  cities  and  towns. 
This  form  of  electricity  is  much  cheaper  than  horse- 
power, and  is  called  by  the  sensational  newspapers  of 
the  day  "  the  dividend-paying  and  death-dealing  "  trol- 
ley railway,  on  account  of  the  large  number  of  serious 
and  fatal  accidents.  The  trolley  wire  is  noisy,  and  it 
has  invaded  some  of  the  finest  streets  in  American 
cities.  The  city  of  New  York  is  almost  the  only  large 
city  where  the  trolley  system  is  not  extensively  used. 
In  the  Twenty-third  and  Twenty-fourth  Wards,  or  so- 
called  annexed  district,  the  overhead  electric  wire  is  used 
as  a  motive  power,  but  the  trolley  railway  has  not  in- 
vaded Manhattan  Island,  except  for  a  short  distance  on 
135th  Street,  between  Harlem  River  and  the  Eighth 


110  WATER,  GAS  AND  ELECTRICITY. 

Avenue  Elevated  Railroad,  and  extending  along  Third 
Avenue  from  Harlem  Bridge  to  129th  Street  at  the  steps 
of  the  Elevated  Railroad  station.  In  a  city  like  Albany, 
N.  Y.,  the  trolley  has  been  advantageous  on  account  of 
the  steep  grades  and  wide  streets. 

The  authorities  of  some  municipalities  in  the  West- 
ern States  encourage  the  construction  of  waterworks 
and  gas-works  and  electric-lighting  plants  by  exempting 
them  from  taxation  for  a  limited  period. 


CHAPTER  X. 

STREETS. 

The  streets  of  a  town  or  city  belong  to  the  public, 
and  they  should  not  be  taken  possession  of  by  a  corpo- 
ration or  an  individual  without  just  compensation.  The 
improper  use  of  the  roadways  and  sidewalks  of  streets, 
especially  by  corporations,  is  the  most  frequent  source 
of  municipal  corruption  in  the  United  States.  (See 
page  50.)  The  giving  away  of  franchises  to  street 
railway,  omnibus  and  ferry  companies,  or  at  least  the 
granting  of  them  for  a  very  insufficient  sum,  is  the  bane 
of  our  cities.  (See  page  176.)  Yet  it  must  be  remem- 
bered that  many  of  these  franchises  were  granted  to 
cities  in  their  infancy,  and  for  some  years  the  returns 
were  very  moderate.  Now,  with  a  rapidly  increasing 
number  of  surface  railways  in  parallel  streets,  the  com- 
petition is  so  great  that  the  profits  of  the  companies  are 
comparatively  small.  When  the  franchise  is  granted  in 
consideration  of  a  percentage  on  the  gross  receipts,  the 
competition  is  injurious  to  the  city  treasury  when  the 
competing  companies  do  not  pay  the  same  stipulated 
percentage ;  but  where,  on  the  other  hand,  a  tax  or 
license  fee  of  $50  is  paid  for  two-horse  cars,  and  one 

(111) 


112  STREETS. 

of  $25  for  one-horse  cars,  the  gross  receipts  are  of  lit- 
tle consequence  to  the  city. 

Considering  the  insufficient  revenue  that  the  city 
derives,  some  municipal  reformers  will  suggest  an  in- 
crease in  the  annual  percentage  or  a  reduction  of  the 
rate  of  fare.  If  an  amendment  to  reduce  the  rate  of 
fare  is  proposed,  the  companies  at  once  use  every  pos- 
sible means  (legal  and  illegal)  to  defeat  the  measure. 
The  weak  point  is  in  the  original  charter.  If  a  clause 
is  introduced  to  the  effect  that  a  company  should  pay  a 
greater  percentage  upon  the  amount  of  its  receipts,  or 
reduce  the  fare  at  the  end  of,  say,  twenty  years,  or  if 
every  ten  years  the  percentage  should  be  increased,  the 
city  would  receive  the  benefit. 

I  do  not  advocate  general  municipal  construction  of 
tramways  until  a  better  class  of  men  are  elected  to  rule 
the  cities,  but  I  suggest  that  in  all  future  grants  of 
franchises  the  municipality  should  reserve  the  right  of 
purchase  in  street  railroads,  the  matter  to  be  decided  by 
popular  vote  at  a  charter  election.  In  fact,  franchises 
should  not  be  sold,  but  leased  for  a  term  not  exceeding 
thirty  years. 

The  small  sum  of  1230,000  is  paid  annually  for  the 
use  of  the  streets  of  New  York  by  surface  railroad 
companies.  Of  this  sum  nearly  one  half  is  paid  by 
the  Broadway  Railroad,  which  in  1893  substituted  cable 
power  for  horses.  There  is  a  precedent  for  reducing 
the  fare  in  the  case  of  the  New  York  Elevated  Railroad 
Company,  which  in  1878  began  to  run  its  trains  for  a 
fare  of  ten  cents  (except  during  commutation  hours) 


ELEVATED  RAILWAY  DUES.    ]  113 

between  the  two  termini  of  the  city — a  distance  of 
about  seven  miles  on  the  east  side  and  about  nine 
miles  on  the  west  side.  In  1886  the  fare  was  reduced 
to  five  cents. 

The  West  Side  and  Yonkers  Patent  Kailway  Com- 
pany, which  built  the  first  elevated  railway  through 
Greenwich  Street  and  Ninth  Avenue  in  New  York, 
was  required  to  pay  "a  sum  not  exceeding  five  per 
cent  of  its  net  income  ...  as  a  compensation  .  .  .  for 
the  use  of  the  streets."  In  1871  the  New  York  Ele- 
vated Eailroad  Company  purchased  at  foreclosure  the 
line  of  the  original  company.  This  company,  and  its 
successor,  the  Manhattan  Railway  Company,  paid  to 
the  city  five  per  cent  of  its  net  annual  income  till  1890, 
the  aggregate  amount  being  $268,493.75.  These  pay- 
ments were  afterward  discontinued,  and  the  litigation 
that  followed  was  ended  by  the  decision  of  the  Court 
of  Appeals,  in  June,  1894,  in  the  case  of  "  The  Mayor, 
Aldermen  and  Commonalty  of  the  City  of  New  York 
against  the  Manhattan  Railway  Company "  (see  143, 
New  York  Reports,  page  1).  This  decision  was  a  prac- 
tical victory  for  the  railway  company,  the  court  hold- 
ing that  only  a  portion  of  the  Ninth  Avenue  line  was 
liable  to  pay  a  percentage  of  the  net  income,  and  that 
no  liability  for  such  percentage  applies  to  the  Third 
Avenue  route.  The  companies  owning  the  Second  and 
Sixth  Avenue  routes  have  never  been  obliged,  under 
their  charters,  to  pay  anything  for  the  use  of  the  streets. 

In  Brooklyn,  the  elevated  railroad  was  erected  in 
1888.     The  company  has  paid  nothing  to  the  city  for 


•  114  STREETS. 

the  franchise,  and  no  license  fees  are  paid  for  running 
the  care.  An  elevated  railway  has  been  completed  re- 
cently in  Chicago.  The  franchise  was  granted  on  con- 
dition that  the  city  shall  receive  a  yearly  license  fee  of 
$50  per  car,  whether  the  cars  are  run  or  not. 

In  Paris  and  Berlin  there  are  belt  railways  (elevated 
and  depressed  in  places)  in  the  outskirts,  and  this  plan 
might  be  judiciously  adopted  in  American  cities  that 
are  not  bisected  by  large  rivers.  The  rivers  of  these 
two  European  capitals  are  so  narrow  that  bridges  «can 
easily  be  built  at  moderate  expense,  though  the  many 
substantial  bridges  (generally  of  stone)  over  the  river 
Seine,  at  Paris,  were  built  at  great  cost,  and  are  a  con- 
stant source  of  expense  to  the  city.  An  electric  ele- 
vated railroad  has  been  erected  lately  in  Liverpool. 

Since  the  scandal  of  the  New  York  Broadway  Eail- 
road,  in  1884,  a  law  has  been  in  force  compelling  the 
sale  of  such  franchises  to  the  highest  bidder,  and  the  re- 
sults of  this  law  are  excellent.  In  Cleveland,  Ohio,  the 
system  adopted  is  to  grant  a  franchise  to  the  company 
making  the  lowest  bid  concerning  the  cost  to  the  citi- 
zen of  the  article  supplied,  whether  it  be  transportation 
or  gas.  It  might  be  possible  to  combine  the  two  plans, 
so  as  to  yield  a  sure  and  reasonable  revenue  to  the  mu- 
nicipality, and  at  the  same  time  to  give  to  the  public 
better  and  cheaper  facilities. 

In  estimating  the  revenue  from  franchises  for  rail- 
roads or  ferries,  the  gross  earnings  of  the  owner  or 
licensee  should  be  the  basis  of  municipal  income ;  the 
use  of  the  term  "  net  profits  or  net  earnings  "  opens  the 


FRANCHISES  IN  BERLIN.  US 

door  for  legal  juggling.  The  contract  with  the  city 
should  further  provide  proper  means  for  arriving  at  the 
gross  earnings  at  stated  intervals  and  under  severe  pen- 
alties, even  to  the  point  of  forfeiture  of  the  franchise, 
in  any  case  of  evasions  of  taxation  and  of  the  payment 
of  city  dues  or  debt  of  any  kind. 

There  are  comparatively  few  street-car  companies  in 
the  city  of  Berlin,  yet  the  corporation  receives  from 
them  $300,000  a  year  for  the  use  of  the  streets,  and  the 
stock  pays  a  handsome  dividend.  The  law  provides 
that  street  franchises  must  be  sold  at  auction  and  a  per- 
centage of  the  yearly  profits  be  paid  to  the  city.  In 
Berlin  the  concessions  of  surface  railway  companies  run 
usually  thirty  years,  and  four  per  cent  of  the  gross  earn- 
ings must  be  paid  to  the  corporation.  The  street  fran- 
chises are  confirmed  by  the  aldermen,  and  it  is  unneces- 
sary to  obtain  the  consent  of  the  abutting  owners.  The 
rails  are  carefully  laid  on  granite  sleepers,  and  the  cars 
run  very  smoothly. 

In  the  State  of  New  York  a  charter  for  a  street  rail- 
road can  not  be  granted  without  the  consent  of  the 
owners  of  one  half  in  value  of  the  adjoining  property. 
If  they  refuse  permission  to  lay  the  tracks,  application 
may  be  made  to  the  Supreme  Court,  which  wilL  appoint 
three  disinterested  persons  to  determine,  after  a  hearing 
of  all  parties  interested,  whether  the  railway  ought  to 
be  built. 

The  royal  police  of  Berlin  supervise  the  street  traffic 
and  inspect  the  l^orse  cars  and  stages.  A  certain  num- 
ber of  passengers  are  allowed  to  be  carried,  and  when 


116  STREETS. 

the  seats  are  filled  a  sign,  "  Besetz,"  meaning  "  full,"  is 
displayed,  as  in  Paris  and  in  other  Continental  cities. 
Iron  posts  are  placed  on  the  curb  line  at  convenient  in- 
tervals for  stopping-places  {Halte-stelle)  of  the  horse 
cars. 

To  show  the  perfect  control  that  the  municipality 
of  Berlin  has  over  the  surface  railway  companies,  I  may 
say  that  they  are  obliged  to  pay  the  city  for  removing 
the  snow  on  their  tracks,  and  to  contribute  a  portion  of 
the  expense  of  sprinkling  the  streets  in  which  their  rails 
are  laid. 

It  may  almost  be  said  that  the  surface  railway  com- 
panies own  the  streets  of  our  great  metropolis.  In  win- 
ter the  companies  brush  up  the  snow  in  the  gutter,  to 
the  great  annoyance  of  citizens.  They  never  think  of 
watering  or  cleaning  the  roadway  between  their  tracks, 
but,  on  the  contrary,  they  sprinkle  sand  on  the  smoothly 
worn  stones  for  the  benefit  of  their  horses. 

The  example  of  Glasgow  is  worthy  of  imitation  by 
every  municipality  in  the  United  States.  Mr.  John 
Burns  *  says :  "  On  its  tramways  Glasgow  has  even  a 
better  record  than  on  its  water  and  gas.  The  corpora- 
tion has  built  thirty-two  miles,  which  it  had  previously 
leased  to  a  company,  but  the  lease  will  not  be  renewed 
again  in  1894.  Three  per  cent  has  been  paid  to  the 
corporation  for  redemption  of  the  original  debt  con- 
tracted for  building  the  lines ;  four  per  cent  has  been 
paid  by  the  company  for  renewals;  $750  per  annum 

♦  The  Nineteenth  Century,  April,  1892. 


THE  USE  OP  VIADUCTS.  HJ 

per  mile  has  been  paid  by  the  company  as  rent.  In 
twenty-one  years  $2,450,000  has  been  paid  by  the  com- 
pany, $750,000  more  than  the  total  cost,  exclusive  of  an 
average  of  eight  per  cent  dividend  taken  by  the  com- 
pany in  that  period." 

In  European  cities  the  space  under  viaducts  is  gen- 
erally used  for  business  purposes — e.  g.,  the  Vincennes 
viaduct  at  Paris  and  the  central  part  of  the  Stadtbahn 
or  municipal  railway  of  Berlin.  The  arches  near  the 
termini  of  the  New  York  and  Brooklyn  Bridge  are 
rented  as  warehouses,  stables,  shops,  etc.     (See  p.  179.) 

The  viaduct  of  the  New  York  Central  and  Hudson 
Eiver  Railroad  Company  in  New  York  is  not  rented 
for  mercantile  purposes.  The  Pennsylvania  Railroad 
Company  leases  to  individuals  for  storage  the  brick 
arches  of  the  viaduct  in  Philadelphia,  receiving  there- 
for a  moderate  rent. 

One  of  the  best  examples  in  the  world  of  the  utili- 
zation of  space  above  a  sunken  track  is  seen  at  the 
well-known  Place  'de  V Europe  in  Paris.  The  line  is 
laid  in  a  deep  cut  and  extends  into  the  heart  of  the 
city  at  the  St.  Lazare  Railway  station.  A  short  distance 
beyond  the  passenger  depot  is  an  enormous  "  floor 
bridge,"  that  covers  the  depressed  track,  from  which 
radiate  streets  bearing  the  names  of  the  capitals  of  Eu- 
rope. This  structure  should  serve  as  an  object  lesson 
to  railroad  constructors  in  the  New  World.  The  chief 
underground  railways  in  the  United  States  are  the  de- 
pressed track  in  Fourth  Avenue  and  the  tunnel  of  Park 
Avenue  (which  is  used  by  horse  cars)  in  New  York,  the 


118  STREETS. 

Baltimore  and  Potomac  Railway  tunnel  at  Baltimore, 
the  sunken  track  at  New  Haven,  Conn.,  and  the  tun- 
nels under  the  river  at  Chicago,  through  one  of  which 
pass  double  lines' of  cable  road. 

The  subject  of  grade  crossings  in  cities  and  the  ele- 
vation of  railway  tracks  next  demand  attention.  This 
problem  is  more  serious  in  Chicago  than  in  any  other 
large  American  city.  Here  is  the  most  conspicuous 
example  of  lack  of  foresight  on  the  part  of  the  au- 
thorities of  a  rapidly  growing  municipality.  It  is  very 
diflScult  to  estimate  the  expense  of  raising  or  sinking 
the  tracks,  the  chief  indeterminable  item  being  land 
damages.  I  have  heard  of  a  calculation  as  high  as 
$100,000,000 !  The  Municipal  Council  has  allowed  the 
corporations  to  construct  large  terminal  railway  stations 
in  the  very  heart  of  Chicago,  and  many  grade  crossings 
are  still  used,  to  the  great  injury  of  persons  and  prop- 
erty in  the  adjoining  streets.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that 
the  termini  were  not  removed  to  the  outskirts  of  the 
city  after  the  great  fire  of  1871.  It  now  seems  as  if 
the  fairest  way  to  solve  this  grave  problem  would  be 
to  adjust  equitably  the  burden  of  cost  between  the  par- 
ties benefited.  Concerning  this  subject  the  late  Mayor 
Harrison,  in  1893,  said  :  "  We  must  not  ask  the  impos- 
sible, or  we  will  get  nothing.  In  destroying  grade  cross- 
ings, we  must  not  at  the  same  time  destroy  the  rail- 
roads. The  closing  of  certain  streets  does  not  mean 
the  abandonment  of  those  streets.  The  city  will  re- 
serve the  right  to  make  the  railroads  open  them  again 
Some  time."    If  any  streets  are  closed,  many  suits  for 


GRADE  CROSSINGS  IN  CITIES.  119 

damages  may  be  brought.  Visitors  to  the  World's 
Fair  must  have  noticed  the  raised  tracks  of  the  Illinois 
Central  Railroad  Company  on  the  embankment  for  two 
miles  north  of  Jackson  Park.  The  line  was  elevated 
enough  to  clear  all  streets ;  but  the  company  owned  a 
strip  of  land  about  two  hundred  feet  wide  adjoining 
the  line,  and  hence  had  no  land  damages  to  pay. 

In  Jersey  City  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  Company 
finished  the  work  of  elevating  its  tracks  in  1893,  and  in 
the  same  year  the  municipal  authorities  considered  a  pe- 
tition to  raise  the  roadbed  of  the  Erie  Railway.  Many 
small  cities  and  growing  towns  are  crossed  by  steam 
railroads  at  the  street  surface.  Their  local  authorities 
should  learn  a  lesson  from  Chicago.  In  the  construc- 
tion of  new  railways,  grade  crossings  should  be  for- 
bidden, and  the  expense  of  avoiding  them,  either  by 
bridges  or  cuts,  should  be  divided  between  the  railroad 
company  and  the  city,  except  in  the  case  of  railroads 
already  in  operation.* 

The  use  of  the  sidewalks  and  roadways  of  streets 
varies  greatly  in  European  and  American  cities.  There 
are  special  ordinances  in  most  municipalities.  In  gen- 
eral, it  may  be  said  that  the  municipal  authorities  of 
Europe  allow  the  sidewalk  to  be  used  for  the  pleasure 
or  amusement  of  the  citizen,  while  in  the  cities  of  the 
United  States  the  ordinances  are  strict,  but  are  rarely 
enforced,   against   merchants  who   deposit   goods  and 

*  In  the  State  of  New  York  86  persons  were  killed  and  113 
injured  at  grade  crossings  during  1893. 


120  STREETS. 

signs  of  all  kinds  upon  the  sidewalk.  In  New  York 
members  of  the  dominant  political  party  are  allowed  to 
violate  the  ordinances  with  impunity.     (See  page  75.) 

In  Paris  it  is  customai-y  to  deposit  merchandise  on 
the  sidewalks  within  the  stoop  line.  On  the  boulevards 
tables  and  chairs  cover  this  space  in  front  of  restaurants 
and  cafes.  In  some  German  cities  more  than  half  of  the 
sidewalk  is  thus  used.  A  railing  sometimes  surrounds 
the  tables. 

I  have  seen  in  Geneva,  Switzerland,  the  entire  side- 
walk, in  front  of  a  cafe,  occupied  by  musicians.  In 
fact,  a  regular  concert  was  given  during  the  evening, 
the  police  keeping,  at  a  distance,  a.  crowd  of  several 
hundred  persons.  Wooden  settees  are  found  on  the 
broad  sidewalks  of  the  Parisian  boulevards. 

In  Paris  flowers  and  newspapers  seem  to  be  the  only 
kinds  of  merchandise  that  are  sold  in  stands  or  stalls 
on  the  sidewalk.  These  stands  must  not  interfere  with 
the  business  of  a  shopkeeper  who  sells  the  same  kind  of 
goods,  and  hence  they  are  required  to  be  at  a  certain 
distance  (about  one  hundred  yards).  The  owners  pay 
the  city  a  nominal  sum  for  each  square  metre  of  surface 
occupied  by  the  stand.  On  the  boulevards  newspapers 
are  generally  sold  in  ornamental  kiosks,  which  are  often 
covered  with  theatrical  advertisements. 

The  city  of  Berlin  receives  from  the  lessees  of  ad- 
vertising pillars  {Anzeige-Saiile)  an  annual  revenue  of 
$64,000.  Illuminated  signs  for  places  of  amusement 
are  displayed  on  the  Grand  Boulevard  of  Paris.  The 
city  does  not  charge  a  fee  for  the  sign,  the  owners  pay- 


REFUGES  AND  SIGN-BEARERS.  121 

ing  only  the  cost  of  the  gas  used.  In  streets  with  very 
narrow  sidewalks  lamp-posts  are  sometimes  placed  in  an 
intersecting  street  on  a  line  with  the  house  fronts.  The 
gas  lamps  are  occasionally  placed  upon  brackets  fast- 
ened to  the  houses. 

Eefuges — i.  e.,  small  raised  spaces  in  the  middle  of 
a  street  to  enable  pedestrians  to  avoid  passing  vehicles 
— are  seen  in  the  principal  thoroughfares  of  London, 
Paris,  Birmingham  and  other  cities.  They  are  gen- 
erally provided  with  lamp-posts  and  lighted  by  elec- 
tricity or  gas.  I  never  have  seen  "  refuges  "  in  Ameri- 
can cities. 

Pedestrian  advertising  sign -bearers  frequent  the 
principal  streets  of  European  cities.  The  signboards 
are  fastened  to  the  shoulders  and  carried  above  the 
head  so  that  they  do  not  obstruct  the  sidewalk,  like 
the  "  sandwich  "  signboard  men  who  were  formerly  seen 
in  New  York.  Citizens  complained  of  the  "  sandwich  " 
men  so  much  that  the  superintendent  of  police,  in  1888, 
issued,  at  my  request,  an  order  forbidding  these  per- 
sons from  walking  in  the  streets,  and  they  have  since 
worn  coats  painted  with  advertisements. 

The  most  noteworthy  street  obstruction  in  the 
United  States  was,  perhaps,  the  bridge  (called  the 
Loew  Bridge)  erected  in  1872,  by  a  special  act  of  the 
Legislature,  across  Broadway  and  Fulton  Street,  at 
their  intersection,  in  the  city  of  New  York.  It  was 
built  of  iron,  with  staircases  at  each  corner,  at  a  cost  of 
$14,500,  and  was  erected  for  the  alleged  convenience  of 
the  public  in  crossing  Broadway,  which  was  crowded 


1 22  STREETS. 

with  vehicles,  often  making  a  block  at  that  point,  and 
in  winter  was  sometimes  covered  with  slush  more  than 
ankle  deep.  It  was  used  chiefly  by  countrymen,  who 
were  often  photographed  on  the  bridge. 

A  merchant  at  the  northeast  corner  of  the  bridge 
sued  the  city  for  damages  to  his  business,  and  recovered 
$10,000.     The  structure  was  removed  soon  afterward. 

In  some  cities  an  avenue  in  the  residence  quarter  is 
reserved  during  certain  hours  for  pleasure  vehicles,  as 
in  a  public  park.  Notable  examples  are  the  beautiful 
Michigan  Avenue  and  Southern  Boulevard  in  Chicago, 
about  five  miles  long ;  Commonwealth  Avenue  in  Bos- 
ton, and  West  Seventy-second  Street,  New  York.  For 
several  years  an  effort  has  been  made  to  exclude  busi- 
ness wagons  from  upper  Fifth  Avenue  in  New  York ; 
but  the  measure  has  met  with  so  much  opposition 
during  three  sessions  of  the  Legislature  and  in  the 
Common  Council  that  it  has  thus  far  failed  to  pass. 


CHAPTER  XL 

STREET-CLEAKING. 

Clean  streets  are  necessary  for  the  comfort  and 
health  of  the  residents  of  a  city,  and  a  smooth  paving 
surface  facilitates,  of  course,  the  cleaning  of  streets. 
This  branch  of  city  government  is  conducted  much 
better  in  the  large  cities  of  Europe  than  in  the  United 
States.  In  New  York  the  streets  were  formerly  cleaned 
by  a  bureau  of  the  Police  Department ;  but  the  system 
was  found  unsatisfactory,  and  in  1881  a  separate  depart- 
ment of  street-cleaning  was  created  by  act  of  the  Legis- 
lature. This  measure  was  opposed  by  a  member  of 
Assembly  from  New  York  city,  on  the  ground  of 
"  patronage  "  ;  but  his  course  was  not  approved  by  his 
constituents,  and  he  was  defeated  at  the  next  election. 

The  street-cleaning  departments  of  our  cities  are 
rarely  adequately  equipped  for  doing  their  work  well. 
Either  the  appropriation  is  too  small,  or  contracts  are 
let,  or  made  without  public  letting,  in  violation  of  law. 
Jobs  are  given  to  "  ring  "  contractors,  who  charge  ex- 
orbitant prices.  So  far  as  the  benefit  to  the  citizen  is 
concerned,  this  money  might  as  well  be  stolen  as  wasted. 
The  one  offense  is  a  crime,  the  other,  a  neglect  of  duty 
or  incompetency. 

(123) 


124  STREET-CLEANING. 

With  the  possible  exception  of  London  the  annual 
appropriation  for  street-cleaning  in  New  York  far  ex- 
ceeds that  of  any  other  city  in  the  world.  The  amount 
allowed  for  1894  is  $2,367,390.  The  commissioner 
asked  for  $3,138,930,  or  nearly  $1,000,000  in  excess  of 
the  appropriation  for  1893.  Of  the  above-named  sum, 
$340,000  was  set  aside  for  final  disposition  of  material. 
About  1,700  sweepers  are  to  be  employed.  In  New 
York  382  miles  of  streets  are  swept  daily  (except 
Sundays).  The  following  are  the  expenditures  for 
street-cleaning  in  other  cities  :  Paris,  $1,700,000 ;  Berlin, 
$550,000;  Vienna,  $690,000;  Birmingham,  $150,000; 
Glasgow,  $460,630  * ;  Philadelphia,  $562,594 ;  Brooklyn, 
$555,000  t ;  Boston,  $730,000. 

In  an  American  municipality  the  department  of 
street- cleaning  is,  perhaps,  the  most  difficult  one  to  ad- 
minister properly.  The  streets  of  New  York  are  now 
kept  cleaner  than  those  of  several  other  large  cities,  and 
yet  their  condition  is  far  from  satisfactory  to  the  resi- 
dents, in  spite  of  the  enormous  sum  expended  for  clean- 
ing them.  It  seems  almost  impossible  to  find  a  suit- 
able commissioner  of  street-cleaning.  His  qualifications 
should  be  great.  He  must  be  honest,  of  large  experi- 
ence in  managing  men,  quick  in  action,  of  tried  execu- 
tive ability,  and  in  good  health,  so  as  to  inspect  the 
streets.    The  work  of  inspection  must  be  given  chiefly 


*  Deduct  for  the  sale  of  manure,  etc,  $127,100. 
f  The  separate  appropriation  for  the  removal  of  garbage  is 
$123,000. 


THE  IDEAL  SUPERINTENDENT.  125 

to  his  deputy.  There  are  hence  indoor  and  outdoor 
duties.     He  should  have  no  "  politics  "  in  his  office, 

A  retired  officer  of  the  Corps  of  Engineers  of  the 
Army,  or  an  experienced  and  successful  contractor,  would 
make  an  ideal  superintendent  of  a  department  of  street- 
cleaning.  It  is  difficult  to  overestimate  his  necessary 
qualifications ;  for  if  the  streets  be  filthy,  it  becomes  a 
nuisance  to  the  entire  population,  as  well  as  all  strangers 
in  town,  while  if  the  docks  or  schoolhouses  or  city  hall 
be  badly  constructed,  they  affect  only  a  portion  of  the 
residents.  The  women  in  some  cities  have  endeavored 
to  enforce  the  laws  and  ordinances  concerning  street- 
cleaning,  by  forming  ladies'  health  protective  associa- 
tions, and  their  efforts  deserve  high  praise.  On  the 
principle  that  street-cleaning  is  similar  to  house-clean- 
ing, it  has  been  proposed  to  appoint  woman  inspectors 
of  streets,  on  the  ground  that  they  are  more  vigilant 
than  men  and  less  liable  to  be  influenced  or  controlled 
by  politicians. 

In  Berlin  the  sweepings  are  collected  into  shoots  or 
gullies,  which  are  placed  along  the  street  at  intervals  of 
200  feet ;  and  the  water-courses  also  run  into  these  gul- 
lies, the  water  passing  into  the  drains  by  connecting 
pipes.  The  solid  matter  sinks  to  the  bottom,  from 
which  it  is  taken  at  night  and  removed  by  the  con- 
tractors.    The  streets  are  swept  chiefly  at  night. 

With  regard  to  this  part  of  municipal  work,  a  simple 
and  suggestive  matter  presents  itself  to  the  Berlin  vis- 
itor. He  can  not  fail  to  observe  that  the  scavengers  are 
clad  in  overalls,  which  gives  them  a  tidy  appearance, 


126  STREET-CLEANING. 

and  prevents  their  ordinary  clothes  from  being  soiled. 
With  an  official  cap  on  his  head  and  a  belt  round  his 
waist,  the  Berlin  scavenger  feels  that  he  is  a  public  serv- 
ant. The  municipality  claims  no  credit  for  providing 
this  dress.  On  economical  grounds  ftlone  such  expendi- 
ture is  fully  justified,  and  it  is  an  example  of  cleanli- 
ness set  to  the  community.  Our  average  street-sweeper 
carries  to  his  home  the  dust  and  dirt  of  the  whole  day, 
and  dirt  makes  dirt,  as  is  shown  in  the  houses  of  the 
poor.  The  Berlin  scavenger  on  reaching  home  removes 
his  canvas  overalls  (for  his  ordinary  clothes  are  not  soiled 
by  his  day's  work),  washes  his  face,  neck  and  hands ; 
and  then  is  ready  to  enjoy  his  fireside,  or  go  with  his 
wife  and  child  to  some  neighboring  garden  or  park. 

The  cost  of  cleaning  the  streets  of  the  large  Euro- 
pean cities  should  interest  the  urban  American  tax- 
payer. In  Berlin  the  annual  appropriation  is  $550,000. 
(See  page  124.)  The  principal  streets  are  cleaned  on 
Sundays  as  well  as  on  weekdays.  On  Sundays  31,427 
square  metres  of  street  surface  are  swept,  and  on  week- 
days 8,221,855  square  metres.  (A  metre  is  about  39 
inches.)  The  sweepers  work  from  11  a.m.  to  6  p.m. 
in  summer,  and  from  8  a.  m.  to  dark  (about  4  p.  m.)  in 
winter.  The  city  furnishes  overalls  consisting  of  a  blue 
jacket,  white  trousers  and  cap.  The  workmen  buy  their 
own  boots,  except  those  who  work  in  the  sewers.  If 
taken  sick  in  the  performance  of  their  duty,  they  re- 
ceive from  the  city  an  allowance  at  the  rate  of  $75  to 
1125  a  year.  In  1893  the  personnel  of  the  street-clean- 
ing force  was  thus :  72  foremen,  with  daily  wages  of  90 


THE  PARISIAN  SYSTEM.  127 

cents;  530  workmen,  78  cents;  170  workmen,  66  cents; 
150  boys,  60  cents.  The  boys  wash  or  flush  the  asphalt 
streets. 

In  Paris  the  sum  of  $1,700,000  is  expended  for 
street-cleaning.  It  will  be  observed  that  the  amount  is 
more  than  thrice  as  much  as  in  Berlin,  but  the  French 
capital  has  nearly  a  million  more  inhabitants,  and  the 
city  authorities  have  been  compelled  lately  to  raise  the 
wages  of  scavengers.  The  director  of  the  Board  of  City 
Works  informed  me  that  the  annual  increase  of  wages 
amounted  to  1,800,000  francs,  or  $360,000. 

The  chief  items  for  street-cleaning  in  Paris  are : 
Wages  of  about  3,000  workmen,  $1,085,000  ;  removal  of 
mud  and  refuse,  $390,000 ;  cost  of  drawing  the  sweep- 
ing machines,  $70,000  ;  cost  of  material,  $41,000  ;  street 
watering — cost  of  drawing  the  watering  carts,  $70,000  ; 
purchase  and  maintenance  of  material,  $26,000.  The 
city  owns  the  watering  carts,  and  the  contractors,  by  a 
system  of  public  letting,  provide  horses  and  drivers.  A 
special  appropriation  is  made  for  the  removal  of  snow 
and  ice  by  contract,  and  for  salt  to  be  thrown  into  the 
streets.  The  asphalt  and  wooden  pavements  are  sprin- 
kled with  sand  when  covered  with  ice.  The  lowest 
daily  compensation  paid  to  any  employee  on  the  street- 
cleaning  force  is  92  cents. 

The  street-cleaners  in  Paris  and  Berlin  use  a  rubber 
mop  on  the  asphalt  and  wooden  pavements,  similar  to 
that  used  on  the  decks  of  vessels.  The  French  call  it 
a  racletie,  the  Germans  a  schieber. 

In   Paris  the   manure  in  the  principal   streets  is 


128  STREET-CLEANING. 

brushed  up,  placed  in  a  wheelbarrow,  and  thrown  into 
the  sewers.  It  floats  and  finds  its  way  to  the  Seine 
Kiver. 

In  London  and  Birmingham  manure  is  collected  by 
boys  and  thrown  into  orderly  bins  on  the  curb-line, 
which  are  emptied  at  night.  The  same  practice  is  com- 
mon in  Germa-n  cities. 

In  the  United  States  it  is  customary  to  allow  ma- 
nure to  remain  all  day  in  the  streets,  except  where  the 
street  is  cleaned  by  private  contract.  The  general  ref- 
use is  swept  up  in  piles  and  shoveled  into  a  city  cart 
that  comes  along  several  hours  later.  In  the  city  of 
Berne,  the  capital  of  Switzerland,  women  sprinkle  the 
streets  and  then  sweep  up  the  refuse  with  birch  brooms. 

In  Paris  the  janitor  of  a  building  is  held  responsible 
for  the  condition  of  the  street  in  front  of  it,  and  he  is 
arrested  if  rubbish  is  found  on  the  sidewalk  or  roadway 
after  the  street  has  been  cleaned. 

The  Parisian  hose-sprinklers  might  be  advantage- 
ously adopted  in  American  cities.  The  little  machines 
consist  of  iron  hose  or  tubing,  with  several  leathern 
joints,  on  runners.  The  workman  fastens  the  end  to  a 
hydrant,  turns  on  the  water,  and,  holding  his  finger  over 
the  nozzle,  throws  a  spray  of  water  on  the  street  surface. 
These  sprinklers  are  constantly  shifted,  and  when  not 
in  use  are  folded  up  and  placed  on  the  curb-line.  They 
are  much  used  in  warm  weather  on  the  chief  thorough- 
fares, especially  on  the  Champs- Ely  sees,  where  they  ex- 
cite the  admiration  of  the  American  traveler. 

The  street-cleaners  of  Paris  use  disinfectants — sul- 


LAVATORIES  AND  HYDRANTS.  129 

phate  of  iron,  chloride  of  lime  and  phenic  acid.  They 
give  a  first  cleaning  to  the  public  urinals  early  in  the 
morning,  and  at  about  eleven  o'clock  a  complete  clean- 
ing and  disinfection.  It  should  be  said  that  public 
urinals  are  found  at  convenient  points  on  the  curb  of 
the  business  streets,  and  are  probably  far  more  numer- 
ous in  Paris  than  in  any  other  city.  There  are  public 
lavatories  in  the  streets  of  Berlin  and  London.  In  the 
latter  city  they  are  underground.  They  are  kept  scru- 
pulously clean,  each  one  being  in  charge  of  an  attend- 
ant. It  is  now  (1894)  proposed  to  establish  public  lava- 
tories in  New  York. 

The  cleaning  and  watering  of  streets  are  much  facil- 
itated by  an  abundance  of  hydrants  throughout  a  city. 
If  the  water  supply  is  plentiful,  the  streets  can  be 
flushed  frequently,  and  this  should  be  done  daily,  or 
even  twice  a  day  in  warm  weather.  The  general  use  of 
small  hydrants  in  Paris  is  the  secret  of  clean  streets.  A 
hydrant  is  often  at  the  top  of  the  grade  of  a  gutter  that 
extends  several  hundred  feet  to  a  sewer,  and  the  run- 
ning water  carries  along  waste  paper  and  light  refuse  to 
the  sewer  opening.  In  some  parts  of  Paris  a  small 
double  hydrant  is  constructed  on  the  curb,  and  the 
street  is  so  graded  that  the  water  may  be  turned  either 
way  by  a  small  obstruction,  such  as  a  gunny  bag.  I 
have  seen  a  workman  sweep  the  washings  along  with  his 
birch  broom  to  the  mouth  or  shoot  of  the  sewer.  The 
Parisians  have  a  proverb  that  says,  "  Nothing  in  the 
Seine — everything  in  the  sewer,"  I  know  of  no  Ameri- 
can city  wherein  the  streets  are  regularly  flushed. 


130  STREET-CLEANING. 

In  Vienna  the  streets  are  kept  perfectly  clean  by  the 
corporation,  but  there  is  an  annual  appropriation  of 
$100,000  to  pay  a  private  company  for  collecting,  sweep- 
ing up  and  carting  away  the  snow. 

Good  pavements  affect  only  a  part  of  the  residents, 
but  clean  streets  and  the  proper  removal  of  refuse  have 
a  direct  effect  upon  the  whole  population.  Any  citizen 
can  judge  whether  it  is  properly  done.  This  work  is 
unlike  that  of  the  finance  or  law  department  of  a  mu- 
nicipality, the  details  of  which  are  so  complex  that  only 
an  intelligent  person  can,  after  careful  investigation,  un- 
derstand them. 

A  great  obstacle  to  clean  streets  in  large  American 
cities  is  the  street  obstructions,  especially  the  habit  of 
encumbering  the  streets  with  vehicles  not  in  use.  This 
practice  is  not  allowed  in  the  large  cities  of  Europe,  nor 
even  in  some  of  the  small  cities  of  the  United  States. 
The  city  of  New  York  is  the  worst  example.  Owing  to 
its  insular  position — it  being  a  long,  narrow  island — real 
estate  has  become  very  valuable  in  the  lower  wards — too 
valuable  to  be  used  for  stables  and  coach-houses.  The 
law  forbids  the  storage  of  trucks  in  the  public  streets, 
but  the  evil  has  long  existed,  upon  the  principle  that 
"  what  can't  be  cured  must  be  endured,"  hence  few 
formal  complaints  are  made.  The  local  authorities  con- 
sider it  a  necessary  evil.  Moreover,  no  political  party 
would  incur  the  hostility  of  the  many  thousand  carmen 
and  truckmen.  These  *'  dead  "  trucks  are  a  great  obsta- 
cle in  the  way  of  street-cleaning.  It  has  been  suggested 
that  where  residents  store  trucks  in  the  streets  they 


STORAGE  OP  TRUCKS  IN  STREETS.  131 

should  sweep  the  surface  under  and  around  them.  This 
is  good  in  theory,  but  it  is  doubtful  if  the  rule  could  be 
uniformly  enforced.  In  the  smaller  cities,  where  real 
estate  is  not  very  valuable,  stables  and  courtyards  may 
easily  be  obtained  for  the  storage  of  trucks. 

In  London,  Berlin  and  Paris  vehicles  do  not  encum- 
ber the  streets,  for  there  are  plenty  of  courtyards  to  hold 
them.  Moreover,  the  narrow  rivers  in  these  foreign 
cities  are  crossed  by  many  bridges,  and  the  carman  may 
easily  reach  a  stable  in  the  suburbs.  The  truckman  in 
European  cities  would  as  soon  think  of  leaving  his  purse 
as  his  vehicle  in  the  street. 

The  disposal  of  refuse  is  rarely  done  properly  in 
American  cities.  Old-fashioned  methods  like  those  of  a 
border  town  are  generally  adopted.  It  is  simply  a  phys- 
ical task.  Money  and  able-bodied  laborers  are  all  that 
is  required.  Although  it  is  one  of  the  simplest  branches 
of  civic  administration,  there  is  none  that  more  directly 
affects  the  inhabitants.  There  is  no  other  public  work 
for  which  the  people  are  so  willing  to  pay.  The  ordi- 
nances of  New  York  provide  that  the  garbage  shall  be 
separated  from  the  ashes.  This  is  done  in  Philadelphia, 
Baltimore,  Buffalo  and  Washington.  In  San  Francisco 
and  New  Haven  the  householders  separate  ashes  from 
garbage.  Ash -barrels  are  not  left  standing  on  the  side- 
walks of  thoroughfares  in  Philadelphia  and  Boston. 
They  are  collected  and  emptied  from  the  back  yards 
and  alleys.  In  St.  Louis  garbage  and  ashes  are  gath- 
ered at  night,  by  contractors,  with  covered  carts.     In 

Detroit  the  citizens  dispose  of  ashes,  but  garbage  is  col- 
10 


132  STREET-CLEANING. 

lected  by  day  in  covered  wagons.  In  Indianapolis  the 
night-soil  is  buried. 

It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  inhabitants  of  a 
city  are  living  in  a  very  artificial  state.  Primeval  man 
did  not  need  local  laws  and  ordinances,  but  the  residents 
of  cities  must  observe  these  two  legal  maxims :  "  The 
safety  of  the  people  is  the  supreme  law,"  and  "  Every 
one  must  so  use  his  own  as  not  to  injure  another's." 
The  farmer  may  throw  rubbish  out  of  his  window  with- 
out annoying  his  neighbors ;  but  in  a  city,  if  ashes  and 
garbage  be  dumped  in  the  street,  it  becomes  a  nui- 
sance, and  the  offender  is  arrested  and  fined  for  violat- 
ing the  corporation  ordinance.  Citizens  should  culti- 
vate the  same  habits  in  the  street  as  in  the  household. 
The  sidewalk  and  the  street  should  be  kept  as  clean  as 
the  parlor.  The  adult  inmates  of  tenement  houses 
could  greatly  aid  the  officials  of  the  department  of 
street-cleaning  if  they  would  only  obey  the  city  ordi- 
nances. Few  citizens  realize  the  importance  of  clean 
streets  in  relation  to  the  public  health.  I  know  of  cases 
in  Paris  where  servants  have  been  arrested  for  sweeping 
the  dust  of  a  balcony  on  a  passer-by  on  the  sidewalk. 

In  the  poorer  portions  of  a  city  it  is  difficult  to 
clean  the  streets,  for  the  habits  and  customs  of  the  resi- 
dents of  the  tenement-house  districts  are  so  bad  and 
slovenly  that  an  immense  corps  of  officials  would  be 
required  strictly  to  enforce  the  ordinances  concerning 
ashes  and  garbage.  The  dwellers  in  tenements  are  usu- 
ally the  poorest  and  most  ignorant  class  of  foreigners, 
who  do  not  know  that  it  is  against  the  law  to  throw 


DESTRUCTORS  IN  BIRMINGHAM.  I33 

ashes  and  rubbish  into  the  street.  It  seems  cruel  to 
arrest  these  offenders  and  to  imprison  them  if  they  are 
unable  to  pay  a  small  fine;  but  heroic  treatment  is 
necessary  to  compel  obedience  to  the  law.  The  punish- 
ment of  one  serves  as  an  example  to  others  in  the  neigh- 
borhood. 

In  New  York  the  officials  of  the  street-cleaning  de- 
partment excuse  themselves  on  the  ground  that  the 
members  of  the  police  force  do  not  show  sufficient  zeal 
in  arresting  offenders.  Where  the  spoils  system  of  ap- 
pointments prevails,  the  street-cleaning  department  is 
certain  to  be  inefficient.  "Where  laborers  are  appointed 
for  political  reasons,  sufficient  care  is  not  taken  in  their 
selection,  either  as  regards  age  or  physical  ability. 
Moreover,  a  partisan  supervisor  or  labor  "  expert "  will 
not  compel  the  performance  of  the  best  work  on  the 
part  of  the  laborers. 

During  my  recent  visit  to  Birmingham  I  inspected 
the  "  destructor,"  or  establishment  for  burning  refuse. 
In  reply  to  my  question  whether  the  workmen  were 
Liberals  or  Conservatives,  the  manager  said  he  knew 
nothing  of  their  politics.  He  simply  demanded  a  fair 
day's  work  for  a  fair  day's  pay.  The  slag  from  these 
destructors  is  sometimes  used  for  building,  and  I  saw  a 
small  house  that  was  made  of  it.  All  the  refuse  would 
be  thrown  away  in  an  American  city,  but  a  portion  of 
it  in  Birmingham  is  converted  into  the  so-called  "  pou- 
drette  "  manure,  and  sold  for  fertilizing  at  $30  a  ton. 

The  system  of  burning  garbage  has  just  been  intro- 
duced in  a  few  American  towns.     At  the  World's  Fair 


134  STREET-CLEANING. 

grounds  in  Chicago  the  garbage  was  disposed  of  in  an 
Eagle  crematory.  In  Montreal  a  destructor  is  used. 
The  most  successful  English  types  of  destructor  are 
those  of  Mawe,  Fryer,  Warner,  Healey  and  Whiley. 

In  1893  a  law  was  passed  allowing  the  city  authori- 
ties of  Yonkers,  N.  Y.,  to  erect  a  crematory  at  a  cost 
not  exceeding  116,000.  The  street-cleaning  commis- 
sioner of  New  York  adheres  to  primitive  methods  of 
disposing  of  garbage.  It  would  perhaps  be  better  to 
erect  destructors  than  to  cart  the  many  tons  of  garbage 
to  scows  along  the  water-front  to  be  towed  out  to  sea 
by  contract. 

Some  of  this  rubbish  has  drifted  ashore  on  the  beach 
in  front  of  the  hotels  at  Coney  Island,  and  the  proprie- 
tors have  sued  the  city  for  damages.  A  crib  has  lately 
been  built  at  Eiker's  Island,  in  the  East  River,  to  con- 
tain the  city's  refuse.  A  dishonest  or  careless  con- 
tractor has  often  dumped  refuse  in  the  lower  bay  of 
New  York,  to  the  great  injury  of  navigation. 

In  cities  built  on  alluvial  plains — like  Chicago, 
Indianapolis  or  New  Haven — the  sale  of  garbage,  to  be 
used  as  a  fertilizer  by  the  residents  of  the  suburban 
farms  and  villages,  should  yield  a  substantial  revenue. 

There  are  now  fifty-five  towns  and  cities  in  England 
in  which  garbage  and  solid  refuse  are  destroyed  by  burn- 
ing, and  570  furnaces  are  employed  for  this  purpose. 

The  amount  of  ashes  to  be  collected  depends  partly 
on  climate.  For  example,  in  New  York,  Boston  and 
Berlin  much  more  coal  is  burned  by  a  given  number  of 
citizens  than  in  London  or  Liverpool. 


ASHES  AND  GARBAGE.  I35 

Municipal  authorities  in  the  United  States  should 
study  the  ordinances  relating  to  ash-barrels  and  gar- 
bage cans  in  Paris,  Berlin  and  Vienna.  In  the  average 
American  city  the  inhabitants  are  much  annoyed  by 
the  frequent  appearance  of  ash-cans  on  the  sidewalks  at 
all  hours  of  the  day.  It  is  common  to  overload  these 
cans,  so  that  the  refuse  falls  on  the  sidewalk  or  pave- 
ment. The  traveler  in  European  cities  never  sees  an 
ash-box.  I  was  in  Paris  five  weeks  without  seeing  a 
garbage  or  ash-can  except  when  I  arose  early  one  morn- 
ing to  go  to  the  central  market.  The  receptacles  for 
refuse  are  emptied  soon  after  daybreak.  In  Paris  the 
big  wagon  of  the  cantonnier  comes  along,  and  the  house- 
holder is  fined  if  he  does  not  take  in  his  emptied  ash- 
•box  by  seven  o'clock.  These  big  tin  boxes  are  familiarly 
called  "  Poubelles,"  after  the  late  Prefect  of  the  Seine. 
A  different  man,  called  the  chiffonnier  or  ragpicker, 
gathers  waste  paper  in  bags  and  paper  boxes.*  As  in 
American  cities,  it  is  customary  to  distribute  handbills 
in  the  streets  of  Paris,  and  the  business  thoroughfares 
are  sometimes  covered  with  them. 

In  Berlin  the  ash-boxes  are  kept  in  the  yards  or 
courts  of  the  apartment  and  tenement  houses.  The  lid 
is  fastened  to  the  stone  or  brick  wall  of  the  yard,  and 
the  city  ashman  enters  the  yard,  carries  the  receptacle 
to  the  cart  on  the  street,  empties  it,  and  replaces  it 
under  the  lid  on  the  wall,  in  place  of  leaving  the  box  or 
barrel  in  the  middle  of  the  sidewalk,  as  in  the  city  of 
New  York. 

*  Thick  manila-paper  bags  have  just  been  tried  in  New  York. 


136  STREET-CLEANING. 

In  Vienna  the  driver  of  the  city  ash-carts  blows  a 
whistle  at  a  certain  hour  of  the  day,  when  the  house 
servants  bring  out  the  garbage  or  ash -receptacle  to  the 
curb-line.  The  carts  are  covered,  and  the  ashes  are 
dumped  in  at  the  side.  Curtains  are  fastened  to  the 
framework,  which  are  pushed  back  while  the  ashes  are 
emptied,  and  they  prevent  the  ashes  and  dust  from  fly- 
ing in  the  face  of  passing  citizens.  Then  the  servants 
return  the  box  to  the  yard.  In  Glasgow  garbage  and 
ashes  are  deposited  in  small  stone  or  brick  recesses  in 
the  rear  of  the  houses  and  carted  away  by  night. 

The  residents  of  American  towns  are  entitled  to 
better  service  methods  in  the  removal  of  ashes  and  gar- 
bage. In  New  York  the  ordinance  requires  that  the 
ash-barrel  shall  be  placed  within  the  stoop  line  of  the 
house  both  before  and  after  emptying,*  and  that  sepa- 
rate receptacles  must  be  provided  for  ashes  and  gar- 
bage. The  ashmen  receive  higher  compensation  than 
is  paid  for  corresponding  manual  work  in  private  life, 
and  it  is  not  too  much  to  ask  them  to  come  within  the 
area  of  private  dwellings  and  into  the  yards  of  tene- 
ment houses  and  carry  out  and  return  the  ash-barrels, 
as  in  Berlin. 

Wooden  or  metallic  covers  for  ash-carts  should  be 
used.  Canvas  covers  can  not  be  put  on  until  the  cart  is 
filled.  The  result  is  that  the  ordinary  American  ash- 
man is  a  nuisance.     There  is  no  uniform  hour  for  col- 

*  I  have  for  several  years  noticed  that  this  ordinance  is  rarely 
obeyed,  and  the  city  ashmen,  being  appointed  for  political  reasons, 
are  not  dismissed  for  a  constant  refusal  to  do  their  duty. 


ASH-CARTS.  137 

lecting  ashes  in  American  towns.  In  some  cities — e.  g., 
Boston — the  ash-carts  go  out  at  night,  while  in  New 
York  and  Philadelphia  the  work  is  done  by  day. 

The  municipal  authorities  in  Germany  virtually  say 
to  the  citizens  :  "  "We  respect  the  liberty  of  the  subject, 
but  we  deny  the  liberty  of  the  subject  to  make  himself 
or  his  home  a  source  of  danger  to  the  health  or  life  of 
his  neighbor."  In  the  United  States  the  Federal  offi- 
cials supervise  the  persons  of  the  immigrants  who  arrive 
from  foreign  lands  with  the  germs  of  disease  upon 
them,  but  after  landing  on  American  soil  the  same  im- 
migrants enjoy,  among  other  inestimable  privileges, 
that  of  becoming  pestilential  to  their  fellow-citizens. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

STREET  PAVEMENTS. 

The  laying  out  of  streets  in  cities  is  more  properly 
the  subject  of  a  book  on  engineering — that  is,  the  regu- 
lating, grading  and  paving  of  streets  is  more  a  work  of 
the  engineer  than  of  the  municipal  officer.  Bad  pave- 
ments mean  filthy  streets,  for  it  is  more  difficult  to  clean 
a  street  that  is  improperly  paved  than  a  smooth,  well- 
paved  surface.  (See  page  123.)  It  is  unfortunate  that 
the  streets  of  our  large  towns  have  been  controlled  gen- 
erally by  the  local  ring,  with  the  sole  object  of  enriching 
themselves  and  favored  contractors,  regardless  of  the 
rights  of  the  residents. 

The  poor  pavements  in  large  cities  are  often  caused 
by  the  careless  work  of  gas  or  electric-lighting  compa- 
nies, or  by  persons  who  have  permits  to  remove  the 
pavement.  City  authorities  should  be  very  exacting 
concerning  the  proper  replacement  of  all  pavements 
torn  up  by  citizens.  On  the  other  hand,  it  may  be  said 
that,  where  the  State  has  given  a  charter  to  a  company 
to  lay  gas  mains  or  electric-light  wires  or  pipes  for  heat- 
ing or  any  other  purpose,  the  right  to  remove  a  pave- 
ment should  always  be  exercised,  regardless  of  the  cost 

(138) 


RESTORATION  OP  PAVEMENTS.  139 

to  the  city.  The  defect  in  the  city  of  New  York  is  that 
the  companies  do  not  replace  the  pavement  properly, 
and  the  observer  may  notice  how  the  arch  of  a  street 
pavement,  from  curb  to  curb,  has  been  broken  by  care- 
less restoration  of  a  part  of  it. 

The  only  method  by  which  these  parties  can  be  com- 
pelled to  perform  fully  their  duty  of  restoration  of  the 
pavement  is  to  require  them  to  procure  from  the  proper 
city  ofiBcial  an  estimate  of  the  expense  of  replacement, 
to  be  followed  by  a  compulsory  cash  deposit  in  the  city 
treasury  of  the  cost  of  each  portion  of  pavement  to  be 
torn  up ;  this  deposit  to  be  returned  when  the  munici- 
pal representative  shall  have  approved  the  restoration  of 
the  pavement,  and,  in  case  the  work  is  not  properly  done, 
the  money  to  be  used  to  remedy  any  defects. 

For  many  years  American  cities  were  paved  with  the 
primitive  cobblestone,  giving  a  very  rough  and  unsatis- 
factory surface.  Then  the  Euss  pavement  was  intro- 
duced, followed  by  the  Belgian  pavement  of  granite 
blocks  or  trap-rock  blocks.  The  use  of  wood  as  a  pave- 
ment was  afterward  adopted,  and  the  cities  of  Washing- 
ton and  Chicago  were  largely  paved  with  wooden  blocks. 
(See  page  32.)  This  wooden  pavement  proved  a  source 
of  danger,  for  in  October,  1871,  a  great  conflagration  in 
Chicago  took  place,  and  a  few  blocks  of  street  pavement 
were  burned. 

About  the  year  1867  several  streets  in  New  York  were 
paved  with  wood  or  Nicholson  pavement,  but  it  was  not 
durable,  especially  in  Fifth  Avenue,  where  the  traffic  is 
Tery  heavy.    The  boulevards  of  Paris  and  the  streets  in 


140  STREET  PAVEMENTS. 

the  West  End  of  London  are  paved  chiefly  with  wood, 
but  it  is  skillfully  put  down,  and  when  the  blocks  are 
worn  out  on  the  upper  side  they  are  reversed  and  reset. 

The  newest  and  most  satisfactory  pavement  is  as- 
phalt, which  was  introduced  in  Paris  in  1854,  on  the  Rue 
Bergere.  The  idea  originated  perhaps  in  the  French 
capital,  where  revolutions  were  frequent,  and  the  rabble 
were  in  the  habit  of  tearing  up  stone  pavements  and 
making  a  barricade  of  them,  behind  which  they  planted 
cannon.  The  use  of  asphalt  was  suggested  as  being  both 
smooth  and  no  more  expensive,  and  now  many  miles  of 
the  streets  of  Paris  are  paved  with  asphalt.  The  use  of 
asphalt  is  also  common  in  other  cities,  but  especially  in 
Berlin,  where  eighty-five  miles  of  this  pavement  are  in 
use.  In  Paris,  and  in  most  cities,  a  conglomerate  or 
cement  foundation  underlies  the  asphalt. 

The  city  of  Washington  may  be  called  the  pioneer 
in  asphalt  pavements  in  the  United  States.  Here  the 
streets  are  wide  and  well  paved.  There  are  few  heavy 
trucks  and  wagons,  as  in  the  large  cities  of  New  York, 
Philadelphia  and  Boston,  and  hence  the  wear  and  tear 
on  the  asphalt  pavement  is  not  as  severe  as  in  the  large 
seaports.  Moreover,  Washington  being  an  inland  town, 
the  climate  is  not  as  damp  as  in  the  cities  bordering  on 
the  ocean.  Asphalt  pavement  is  now  largely  used  in 
nearly  all  American  cities.  Buffalo  has  162  miles  of 
this  pavement.  It  should  be  well  washed  every  day  in 
order  to  remove  the  manure  that  clings  to  the  surface. 

The  Boards  of  Aldermen  generally  control  the  sub- 
ject of  street  pavements,  and  gross  frauds  have  often 


FRAUDULENT  CONTRACTS.  141 

occurred  in  connection  with  them.  In  some  cities  a 
contractor  is  unable  to  pave  a  street  without  blackmail, 
either  from  the  Board  of  Aldermen  or  from  the  ring 
that  misrules  the  city.  In  the  days  of  Tweed,  in  the 
city  of  New  York,  contracts  were  worth  twenty  per 
cent  to  the  aldermen — that  is,  a  contractor  was 
obliged  to  allow  the  Board  of  Aldermen  to  extort  one 
fifth  of  the  price  as  a  condition  precedent  to  pavibg  the 
streets,  and  the  city  paid  the  difference. 

Sometimes  the  contract  for  street  paving  is  so  low 
that  there  is  no  blackmailing  balance  for  the  aldermen. 
A  notable  case  occurred  several  years  ago  in  New  York. 
The  demands  of  the  aldermen  were  so  exorbitant  that 
the  contractor  was  likely  to  be  ruined.  Accordingly  he 
made  a  statement  that  he  had  "discovered"  a  large 
ledge  of  rock  underneath  the  street  surface,  which  would 
require  blasting  and  excavating,  and  thus  increase  the 
amount  of  the  contract  price.  Hence  the  contract  was 
amended,  and  each  corrupt  alderman  received  so  much 
from  the  contractor,  who,  for  their  mutual  benefit,  "  dis- 
covered "  solid  rock  in  the  alluvial  soil. 

In  the  city  of  New  York  new  pavements  are  paid 
for  by  an  assessment  on  the  abutting  pr(^erty  owners, 
while  repavements  and  maintenance  are  paid  for  by  a 
general  charge  on  the  city  treasury.  "Where  an  assess- 
ment is  vacated  through  some  technicality,  the  cost 
comes  out  of  the  city  treasury  in  violation  of  the  spirit 
of  the  law. 

The  pavements  of  Paris  are  not  always  uniform. 
In  the  residential  streets  the  roadways  are  sometimes 


142  STREET  PAVEMENTS. 

covered  with  macadam,  with  stone  blocks  on  each  side 
extending  a  distance  of  about  three  feet  from  the  curb- 
line.  Where  horse-car  tracks  are  laid  in  macadamized 
streets,  stone  pavement  is  put  down  between  the  rails. 

While  the  thoroughfares  of  Paris  are  generally  well 
paved,  the  authorities  use  their  discretion  and  save 
expense  in  the  'case  of  "  out-of-the-way "  streets  and 
squares,  where  there  is  little  or  no  travel.  For  ex- 
ample, in  the  open  space  surrounding  the  Pantheon 
the  pavement  consists  of  large  and  well-worn  stone 
blocks,  which  are  now  out  of  repair.  On  the  heights 
of  Montmartre  some  of  the  roadways  are  covered  with 
rough  blocks,  and  the  streets  are  almost  as  dirty  aa 
those  in  the  ordinary  American  city.  The  stone  pave- 
ment of  the  Place  du  Carrousel  should  be  improved. 
The  total  length  of  the  streets  of  Paris  is  about  600 
miles.  During  the  repavement  of  a  street,  only  one  half 
of  the  breadth  of  the  roadway  is  closed,  so  as  to  allow 
travel  on  the  remaining  surface. 

In  Philadelphia  the  street-car  companies  are  com- 
pelled to  keep  in  repair  the  pavement  from  curb  to  curb 
of  the  streets  they  use.  They  repaved  in  1893,  5039 
miles  of  streets.  In  New  York  and  Baltimore  they 
must  care  for  or  maintain  only  the  space  between  the 
tracks  and  two  feet  beyond  in  each  direction.  The 
poor  pavements  in  some  of  the  streets  of  Philadelphia 
are  owing  to  the  objections  of  the  street-car  companies 
to  repairing  at  their  own  expense.  In  a  rapidly  grow- 
ing city  the  Philadelphia  plan  would  retard  the  exten- 
sion of  surface  railways,  but  it  is  reasonable  to  compel 


REPAYING  BY  CAR  COMPANIES.  143 

the  railway  companies  to  keep  the  entire  street  in  re- 
pair in  the  older  parts  of  the  city. 

The  street-car  companies  of  Cleveland,  Ohio,  are 
required  to  pave  the  space  within  their  rails,  including 
that  of  the  surface  between  their  double  tracks,  and  as 
far  as  one  foot  outside  of  the  outer  rail. 

In  some  Continental  cities  the  space  or  street  around 
a  cathedral  and  a  hospital  is  paved  with  the  noiseless 
asphalt. 

During  the  hours  of  divine  service  on  Sunday  in 
London  the  coachmen  are  required  to  walk  their  horses 
while  passing  a  church. 

Societies  have  been  organized  in  several  cities  for 
the  purpose  of  preserving  the  pavements,  and,  inasmuch 
as  the  agents  of  each  society  are  unable  to  examine  all 
streets,  citizens  are  called  upon  to  act  as  volunteer  in- 
spectors and  report  all  cases  of  defective  pavements  and 
dangerous  sidewalks.  The  proper  officials  are  then 
notified,  and  the  necessary  repairs  are  made. 

In  Philadelphia  there  are  31  miles  of  turnpikes  and 
821-14  miles  of  paved  streets,  which  are  covered  with 
the  following  kind  of  pavements : 

Cobblestone  * 264*2    miles,  or  31     per  cent. 

Rubble 114       miles,  or  13-4  per  cent. 

Block 208*4    miles,  or  24-4  per  cent. 

Yitrified  brick 49-6    miles,  or    5-8  per  cent. 

Sheet  asphalt 78*2    miles,  or    9'2  per  cent. 

Block  asphalt 18-97  miles,  or    2-2  per  cent. 

Macadam 114-2    miles,  or  13-4  per  cent. 

Granolithic 4-67  miles,  or      -6  per  cent. 

*  The  further  use  of  cobble  is  forbidden. 


144  .     STREET  PAVEMENTS. 

There  are  1,590  miles  of  sidewalks,  chiefly  of  brick. 
The  following  materials  are  also  used :  concrete,  stone, 
brick  and  stone  combined,  wood  and  asphalt. 

In  Brooklyn  there  were  up  to  January  1,  1894,  410| 
miles  of  paved  streets,  which  are  classified  as  follows : 

Cobblestone 275-425  miles. 

Belgian 35-268  miles. 

Granite , 86-748  miles. 

Concrete 13-075  miles. 

In  New  York  there  are  now  (May,  1894)  405-06  miles 
of  street  pavements,  which  are  composed  of  the  follow- 
ing materials : 

Specification  granite 153-67  miles. 

Specification  trap 62-81  miles. 

Belgian  trap 66-93  miles. 

Square  granite 21-82  miles. 

Asphalt , 52-26  miles. 

Macadam 20-80  miles. 

Cobblestone -27  miles. 

Total 378-56  miles. 

The  total  length  of  pavements  in  the  annexed  district 
is  twenty-six  and  a  half  miles,  of  which  fifteen  and  a 
quarter  miles  are  of  trap  block  and  about  eleven  and  a 
quarter  miles  of  granite  block.  This  is  wholly  on  a 
sand  foundation,  excepting  the  pavement  on  Third 
Avenue.  There  is  no  cobblestone,  except  on  the  pave- 
ment laid  by  the  Union  Railway  Company  between  its 
tracks. 

The  cost  and  durability  of  pavements  differ  so 
much  in  the  various  cities  that  I  have  space  only  for 
a  general  statement. 


COST  OF  GRANITE  AND  ASPHALT.  145 

At  present  the  paving  materials  most  commonly 
used  in  the  large  cities  are  asphalt  and  granite.  As  a 
rule,  the  business  portion  of  the  chief  cities  has  been 
repaved  with  granite,  and  asphalt  is  now  laid 'in  the 
residential  streets. 

The  cost  per  square  yard  of  Trinidad  Lake  asphalt 
upon  a  six-inch  concrete  base  varies  from  $2.38  in 
Washington  to  13.60  in  Boston.  In  Philadelphia,  Bal- 
timore and  Buffalo  it  averages  about  $2.70.  This  pave- 
ment is  generally  guaranteed  for  a  period  of  from  five 
to  fifteen  years ;  i.  e.,  the  contractor  keeps  it  in  order 
during  that  time  without  extra  charge.  The  asphalt 
pavements  of  New  York  are  now  guaranteed  for  fifteen 
years.  This  guarantee  increases  the  cost  from  seventy 
cents  to  $2.00  per  square  yard.  The  average  price  in 
the  metropolis  has  been  about  $3.79,  but  of  this  amount 
only  seventy  per  cent  is  paid  on  completion  of  the  work. 
No  further  payment  is  made  till  the  end  of  the  sixth 
year  after  completion.  Then,  if  the  pavement  has 
been  kept  in  good  order  without  expense  to  the  city, 
three  per  cent  is  paid,  and  a  similar  sum  in  each  suc- 
ceeding year  to  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  year. 

The  cost  of  granite  per  square  yard  is  as  follows : 

In  New  York  it  is  $2.80  on  a  sand  or  gravel  founda- 
tion, and  on  a  concrete  foundation  it  varies  from  $3.50 
to  $4.00. 

In  Philadelphia  granite  blocks  with  gravel  joints 
cost  $2.50,  and  granite  blocks  on  a  concrete  foundation 
and  with  pitch  joints  cost  $3.85.  The  price  of  vitri- 
fied bricks  on  a  concrete  foundation  is  $2.20. 


146  STREET  PAVEMENTS. 

In  Boston  the  cost,  including  grading,  of  granite 
pavement  upon  a  six-inch  concrete  base  with  pitched 
joints,  is  from  $4.56  to  $4.66 ;  it  is,  upon  a  gravel  base 
with  pitched  joints,  from  $3.03  to  $3.27;  and  upon  a 
gravel  base  with  sand  joints,  $3.05.  These  pavements 
are  guaranteed  for  six  months  by  the  contractor. 

In  iJaltimore  the  Belgian  block  pavement  laid  upon 
a  heavy  sand  foundation  costs  from  $2.75  to  $3.00. 

Medina  sandstone  is  largely  used  in  Buffalo,  Roches- 
ter, and  Cleveland,  and  to  a  slight  extent  in  Chicago. 
In  the  first-named  city  120  miles  of  this  pavement  have 
been  laid.  This  stone  is  less  durable  than  granite,  but 
it  is  also  less  noisy  and  affords  a  more  secure  footing  for 
horses.  Its  cost  per  square  yard  on  a  concrete  base  is 
$3.60.  Out  of  1,007  miles  of  paved  streets  in  Chicago, 
648*38  are  of  wood.  The  price  of  this  pavement  is 
ninety  cents  per  square  yard,  and  it  lasts  about  seven 
years.  These  wooden  blocks  are  cut  wedge-shaped,  and 
hence  can  not  be  reversed  and  reset,  as  is  customary  in 
Paris. 

For  further  information  concerning  the  cost  of  pave- 
ments in  the  large  Eastern  cities,  the  reader  is  referred 
to  the  valuable  report  of  the  Street  Paving  Commission 
of  Baltimore,  made  to  the  Mayor  and  City  Council,  May 
21,  1894. 

The  "  life  "  of  a  pavement  depends  on  the  amount 
of  traffic  upon  the  street,  and  the  nature  and  degree  of 
perfection  of  the  foundation.  It  is  impossible  to  give 
accurately  any  definite  length  of  time  that  a  pavement 
will  last. 


DURABILITY  OF  PAVEMENTS.  147 

Asphalt  pavement  has  been  used  for  such  a  short 
period  in  the  United  States  that  only  an  approximate 
estimate  of  its  durability  can  be  given.  On  a  portion 
of  North  Broad  Street,  Philadelphia,  street  asphaltum 
after  eight  years'  use  is  apparently  as  good  as  when 
put  down.  A  patch  of  Trinidad  asphalt  on  Fifteenth 
Street,  Washington,  laid  in  1879,  is  now  (1894)  in  per- 
fect condition,  the  repairs  having  been  inconsiderable ; 
but  there  are  few  heavy  vehicles  passing  through  this 
street. 

In  Philadelphia  the  durability  of  granite  pavements 
has  averaged  from  twelve  to  twenty  years.  The  brick 
pavements  last  from  two  to  five  years. 

In  Boston  a  pavement  of  Cape  Ann  granite,  laid  on  a 
concrete  base,  should  be  in  good  condition  after  twenty- 
five  years  of  use.  The  granite  from  the  quarries  of 
Massachusetts  is  harder  and  more  durable  than  that  of 
the  Middle  and  Southern  States. 

In  Baltimore  one  street  paved  with  Belgian  blocks 
twenty-one  years  ago  is  still  in  excellent  condition,  al- 
though it  has  been  subjected  to  very  heavy  travel. 

I  have  seen  granite  pavements  in  a  business  street 
of  New  York  in  a  fair  state  of  preservation  after  twenty 
years  of  use.  In  other  streets  a  similar  pavement  has 
been  worn  out  in  about  twelve  years. 

In  Rochester  Medina  sandstone  on  a  residential 
street  has  lasted  thirty  years. 

Street  pavements  will  be  more  durable  if  the  City 

Councils  enact  ordinances  providing  that  the  width  of 

the  tires  of  large  vehicles  shall  be  increased. 
11 


148  STREET  PAVEMENTS. 

The  whole  subject  of  pavements  is  so  important  that 
a  treatise  of  the  size  of  this  volume  could  be  written 
upon  it.  I  merely  state  these  facts  in  the  desire  to 
throw  light  upon  the  unsolved  paving  problem,  and 
the  municipal  reformer  can  further  pursue  the  subject. 


CHAPTEE  XIII. 

PUBLIC   WOEKS. 

The  public  works  of  American  cities  are,  perhaps, 
the  field  of  more  swindling  than  any  other  department 
of  the  municipality.  Mr.  White,  in  his  suggestive  article 
in  The  Forum  for  December,  1890,  says,  "  The  city  halls 
.  .  .  are  the  acknowledged  centers  of  the  vilest  corrup- 
tion." (See  page  50.)  In  that  connection  this  remark 
applied  chiefly  to  the  aldermen,  and,  occasionally,  to 
the  Mayor.  But  the  public  works  that  are  controlled 
by  the  officials  in  the  city  halls  of  the  larger  towns  are 
generally  as  badly  and  corruptly  done  as  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  city  Legislature.  I  could  give  many  ex- 
amples, but  I  shall  simply  remind  the  reader  of  the 
"  Tweed "  courthouse  in  the  city  of  New  York,  which 
cost  untold  millions,  and  the  new  city  hall  of  Philadel- 
phia. The  visitor  to  the  Quaker  City  is  at  once  struck 
with  the  prominence  of  this  public  building.  The  gi- 
gantic tower  is  a  monument  to  the  extravagance  and 
corruption  that  formerly  existed  in  the  city  government. 

As  a  general  rule,  it  is  impossible  to  construct  a 
courthouse  or  city  hall  within  the  appropriation.  Some 
corrupt  contractor  commonly  finds  a  deficit  in  the  ap- 
propriation and  obtains  an  additional  amount  to  make 

(U9) 


150  PUBLIC  WORKS. 

it  up.  So  much  money  haa  been  wasted  in  the  public 
works  of  American  cities  that  the  taxpayers  hesitate  to 
approve  of  the  erection  of  any  public  building  that  is 
not  vital  to  the  welfare  of  the  city.  For  example,  in  the 
city  of  Newport,  which  is  one  of  the  oldest  and  best- 
governed  cities  in  New  England,  the  taxpayers  have 
refused  recently  to  allow  the  erection  of  a  city  hall,  to 
cost  not  more  than  $50,000.  This  was  decided  by  a 
referendum.  The  assessed  valuation  of  real  and  per- 
sonal estate  in  Newport  amounts  to  134,703,050,  and 
the  wealthy  summer  residents  in  this  city-by-the-sea  pay 
more  than  half  of  the  taxes ;  yet,  notwithstanding  the 
good  government  of  the  city,  a  majority  of  the  taxpayers 
refused  to  abandon  the  old  and  small  building  occupied 
as  a  city  hall,  and  erect  a  new  one. 

It  is,  I  believe,  only  in  the  city  of  Newport,  E.  I., 
that  the  real  estate  taxpayers  are  allowed  to  control  the 
expenditure  of  the  public  funds,  exceeding  a  certain 
sum,  for  a  special  matter.  The  advantage  of  universal 
suffrage  is  that,  where  a  city  is  ruled  by  honest  and 
competent  officers,  the  voters  will  do  what  is  necessary 
for  the  best  interests  of  the  city,  and  narrow-minded 
and  selfish  taxpayers  are  not  allowed  to  retard  its  prog- 
ress so  far  as  benefit  to  the  residents  is  concerned.  The 
citizen  naturally  demands  an  equivalent  for  his  taxes. 
If  he  be  not  a  taxpayer,  he  suffers  from  ring  rule  or 
high  taxation  by  an  increase  of  rent,  for  the  owners  of 
real  estate  in  the  densely  populated  districts  of  a  city 
are  generally  indifferent  to  taxation.  The  reason  is 
that,  as  a  rule,  the  higher  the  taxes  the  higher  the 


PLAIN   PUBLIC   BUILDINGS.  151 

rents;  the  landlord  exacts  an  increase  of  rent  on  the 
ground  that  he  is  suffering  from  an  increase  in  taxa- 
tion. The  Jeffersonian  principle  of  "  economy  in  the 
public  expense,  that  labor  may  be  lightly  burdened," 
has  usually  been  ignored  in  the  progress  o^  American 
cities.  At  present,  owing  to  the  overthrow  of  corrupt 
rings  in  some  of  the  large  cities,  and  the  increasing 
interest  of  citizens  in  municipal  government,  the  city 
authorities  are  often  inclined  to  adopt  a  penny-wise- 
and-pound-foolish  policy  in  the  construction  of  all  pub- 
lic works.     (See  page  69.) 

The  public  buildings  of  European  cities  are  gener- 
ally of  artistic  design,  and  in  some  instances  they  are 
gems  of  architecture.  The  city  halls  of  Paris  and  Ber- 
lin are  beautiful.  In  American  cities  the  public  build- 
ings are  not  generally  ornamental.  This  is  as  it  should 
be.  American  public  buildings  should  be  plain,  dura- 
ble and  built  of  the  best  materials.  No  money  should 
be  spent  in  decorations,  either  on  the  exterior  or  the  in- 
terior. I  would  advise  that  all  public  buildings,  espe- 
cially schoolhouses,  should  be  fireproof,  with  staircases 
of  stone  or  iron. 

Private  individuals  and  corporations  are  in  the  habit 
of  erecting  ornamental  buildings.  With  these  devices 
the  taxpayer  has,  of  course,  nothing  to  do  ;  but  towers, 
spires,  carvings  and  ornamental  doors  should  not  be 
added  to  public  buildings,  for  the  reason  that  the  tax- 
payers may  object. 

The  general  rule  for  awarding  work  by  contract  is 
to  give  it  to  the  lowest  bidder.     This  principle  is  not 


152  PUBLIC  WORKS. 

always  advisable,  because,  when  the  lowest  bidder  re- 
ceives the  contract  for  some  public  work,  it  may  be  so 
badly  and  recklessly  done  that  positive  danger  may 
result,  or  the  work  may  have  to  be  renewed. 

The  merits  of  all  good  public  works  depend  upon 
honest,  intelligent  and  vigilant  inspectors.  This  is  espe- 
cially true  in  a  rapidly  growing  city.  In  the  opening 
of  new  streets,  in  the  grading,  paving  and  sewerage  of 
streets,  if  the  inspectors  are  honest  and  vigilant,  the 
work  will  be  done  according  to  contract.  There  are,  in 
the  older  States,  laws  for  the  construction  of  buildings, 
including  the  percentage  of  the  lot  to  be  built  upon, 
plumbing  and  sanitation.  If  the  inspectors  are  honest, 
the  work  will  be  done  according  to  law,  and  the  resi- 
dents will  be  benefited. 

Unfortunately,  the  inspectors  of  public  works  in 
large  cities  are  often  political  appointees  "  out  of  a  job." 
They  must  be  taken  care  of  by  the  ring,  and  are  put 
upon  the  pay  rolls  to  the  detriment  of  the  citizens. 
Their  salaries  are  so  low,  and  their  "  assessments "  or 
contributions  to  the  ring  so  large,  that  they  are  often 
forced  to  approve  of  defective  public  work,  or  blackmail 
the  contractors  of  private  dwellings  in  order  to  support 
themselves  and  their  families.  These  inspectors  learn 
from  their  superiors  lessons  in  the  practice  of  black- 
mail. Their  political  employer  or  overseer  has  probably 
extorted  money  from  the  contractors  on  public  and 
private  buildings,  so  he  is  not  surprised  when  his  clerks 
and  underlings  in  turn  pursue  the  same  practice.  These 
inspectors  show  discretion  in  levying  tribute  on  citizens. 


EDUCATED  INSPECTORS  NEEDED.  153 

For  example,  if  a  person  belongs  to  the  ring  he  is  not 
molested. 

In  the  growing  parts  of  our  large  cities  to-day  new 
houses  are  often  erected  regardless  of  the  laws  of  sanita- 
tion. The  same  is  true  in  regard  to  the  materials  used 
for  building.  For  example,  if  a  contractor  can  save 
$500  by  using  wooden  beams  in  place  of  iron  girders  on 
a  roof,  he  can,  of  course,  afford  to  pay  the  inspector 
$100  to  approve  of  his  work. 

It  has  been  suggested  that  some  organization  like 
the  City  Club  of  New  York — a  non-partisan  association 
of  the  better  class  of  citizens — should  supervise  all  pub- 
lic works,  and  insist  upon  the  specifications  of  the  con- 
tracts being  strictly  carried  out.  I  can  not  overestimate 
the  value  of  having  responsible  persons  watching  all 
public  works,  with  the  object  of  seeing  that  they  are 
done  strictly  according  to  contract. 

This  is  especially  true  in  the  paving  of  streets,  which 
any  observer  in  a  large  city  knows  is  one  of  our  weak 
spots  in  municipal  government.  I  would  advise  that 
inspectors  in  the  departments  of  buildings,  docks,  streets 
— in  short,  in  all  public  and  private  works — should  be 
required  to  pass  a  civil-service  examination,  which 
should  be  as  thorough  as  is  necessary  in  a  scientific 
school  to  confer  the  degree  of  civil  or  mechanical  en- 
gineer. In  the  large  cities  there  is  generally  a  society 
of  civil  engineers  or  a  builders'  association.  It  might 
be  feasible  to  require  the  approval  of  a  board  of  civil 
engineers  or  a  builders'  association  before  an  inspector 
could  be  appointed. 


154  PUBLIC   WORKS. 

In  some  States  there  is  a  State  Board  of  Medical 
Examiners  which  examines  physicians,  and  no  candi- 
date can  be  licensed  to  practice  until  he  has  either  a 
certificate  from  them  or  a  diploma  from  a  medical 
school.  I  need  not  say  that  lawyers  are  examined, 
either  by  a  committee  of  the  bar  or  by  the  professors 
of  a  law  school,  before  they  are  admitted  to  practice. 
The  profession  of  an  inspector  of  public  works  in  cities 
is  fully  as  important  for  the  public  interests  as  that  of 
the  physician  or  the  lawyer.  If  there  is  no  society  of 
civil  engineers  nor  builders'-  association  in  a  city,  it 
might  be  possible  to  require  the  approval  of  three  com- 
petent engineers  or  builders  before  a  candidate  could 
become  an  inspector.  Inspectors  should  receive  a  rea- 
sonable salary,  sufficient  to  persuade  them  to  perform 
their  duty.  At  present  the  salaries  are  so  low  that 
inspectors  are  tempted  to  sell  their  influence  or  ap- 
proval.    (See  pages  152-3.) 

In  the  cities  of  Europe  millions  have  been  spent  on 
the  quays  and  docks.  Take,  for  example,  the  magnifi- 
cent Victoria  Embankment  on  the  Thames  at  London, 
the  qu^ys  on  the  Seine  at  Paris  and  the  embankment 
on  the  Neva  at  St.  Petersburg.  Few  American  cities 
have  been  willing  to  improve  the  water-fronts  properly. 
If  our  water-fronts  were  improved,  economically  and 
carefully,  it  would  meet  with  the  general  approval  of 
the  intelligent  citizen,  but  so  many  large  cities  are 
cursed  with  ring  rule  that  the  suggestion  of  a  general 
system  of  stone  embankments  and  docks  (either  on  bays 
or  rivers)  arouses  universal  objection  and  indignation. 


DRAINAGE  OF  CHICAGO.  155 

The  defective  work  of  the  contractors,  in  our  me- 
tropolis, is  shown  by  a  statement  of  a  civil  engineer  in 
the  Dock  Department.  He  has  lately  informed  me  that 
a  dishonest  contractor  has  offered  him  an  entire  year's 
salary  to  approve  of  his  careless  work  on  one  of  the 
piers ! 

In  some  cities  the  contractors  are  forced  to  buy  ma- 
terial from  members  of  the  ring  at  a  higher  price  than 
is  offered  by  other  contractors.  Several  years  ago  a 
contractor  in  the  city  of  New  York  refused  to  buy  pav- 
ing stone  from  a  quarry  owned  by  some  prominent  poli- 
ticians, and  accordingly  he  was  "  punished  "  by  an  or- 
der from  the  inspector  compelling  him  to  tear  up  and 
repave  two  or  three  blocks. 

The  public  health  of  a  city  depends  largely  upon  a 
complete  system  of  sewerage.  I  give  on  pages  157-9 
an  extract  from  Mr.  Pollard's  book,  concerning  the 
spacious  sewage-farms  {Rieselfelder)  at  Berlin,  and  a 
reference  to  the  similar  works  at  Birmingham,  Eng- 
land. 

The  scientific  solution  of  the  grave  problem  of  sewer- 
age in  these  cities  is  worthy  of  the  consideration  of  mu- 
nicipal authorities  throughout  the  world.  American 
cities  are  generally  built  upon  the  seaboard  or  upon  the 
banks  of  a  river  having  sufficient  current  to  carry  off 
sewage. 

Chicago  is,  I  believe,  the  only  largo  city  wherein  the 
disposal  of  sewage  became  a  serious  question  after  the 
city  had  grown  to  enormous  dimensions.  For  many 
years  the  drainage  of  Chicago  was  into  Lake  Michigan, 


156  PUBLIC  WORKS. 

but  now  a  new  system  of  sewers  has  been  constructed, 
and  mucb  of  the  drainage  turned  westward.  Through 
this  system  eighty  per  cent  of  the  sewage  of  the  entire 
city  flows  into  the  Chicago  Kiver,  and,  in  dry  weather, 
is  pumped  into  the  old  Illinois  and  Michigan  Canal. 
The  sewage  flows  through  this  canal  into  the  Illinois 
Eiver  and  eventually  into  the  Mississippi ;  the  remain- 
ing twenty  per  cent  of  the  sewage  flows  at  all  times 
into  Lake  Michigan.  In  rainy  weather  all  sewage  flows 
into  Lake  Michigan.  Nine  sewer-mains  enter  the  lake 
on  the  "  South  Side  "  and  seven  mains  on  the  "  North 
Side."  The  work  that  is  now  in  progress  is  to  con- 
struct a  much  larger  canal,  thirty-seven  miles  in  length, 
parallel  to  the  old  one,  and,  according  to  the  estimates, 
it  will  cost  about  $22,000,000,  and  it  will  be  completed 
in  1896. 

The  sewage-farm  system  in  use  at  Berlin  and  Bir- 
mingham is  declared  to  be  impracticable  for  Chicago, 
owing  to  the  inability  of  the  local  authorities  to  obtain, 
and  operate  at  reasonable  cost,  the  large  amount  of 
land  required  within  a  short  distance  of  the  city.  The 
plan  of  chemical  treatment  of  the  sewage  is  also  im- 
possible. 

The  history,  description  and  illustrated  details  of 
this  great  work  are  fully  set  forth  in  a  volume  enti- 
tled The  Drainage  Channel  and  Waterway,  by  G.  P. 
Brown. 

The  sewerage  system  of  some  of  the  older  cities  is 
defective,  and  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  our  rulers  of  the 
past  generation  did  not  employ  competent  men  to  in- 


THE  SEWERS  OF  PARIS.  157 

crease  the  number  or  to  enlarge  the  size  of  sewers  to 
keep  pace  with  the  growth  of  a  city. 

Several  years  ago  a  dishonest  contractor  was  con- 
structing a  sewer  near  Central  Park  in  New  York.  He 
was  in  great  haste  to  obtain  his  money,  and,  instead  of 
using  pipes,  he  laid  barrels  in  the  ground,  for  which  he 
received  the  contract  price. 

It  is  strange  that  in  some  of  the  older  streets  of 
Paris  there  are  no  sewers.  Cesspools  have  been  built 
under  the  houses,  and  a  private  company  pumps  out 
the  cesspools  once  a  month.  The  refuse  is  taken  away 
in  receiving  tanks  and  transferred  to  boats  on  the  river, 
and  is  then  carried  beyond  the  city  limits.  The  large 
sewer,  called  le  grand  coUecteur,  is  about  eleven  miles 
long.  It  begins  near  the  Pantheon,  forms  a  siphon 
under  the  Seine,  and  ends  in  the  river  near  Asnieres, 
below  Paris.  Tourists  are  allowed  to  pass  through  the 
sewers  of  Paris  every  fortnight.  A  permit  is  obtained 
at  the  city  hall,  and  the  trip  is  made  by  boat  and  by 
car,  which  runs  on  a  track  just  above  the  sewer.  It  is 
an  interesting  though  hardly  an  agreeable  excursion. 

The  water  from  some  of  the  sewers  is  used  for 
irrigation  at  the  suburb  of  Gennevilliers,  where  the 
choicest  vegetables,  served  in  the  Parisian  restaurants, 
are  grown. 

Concerning  the  sewerage  system  of  Berlin,  Mr.  Pol- 
lard says :  * 

"  These  sewage-fields  are  a  most  noteworthy  feature 
in  the  sanitary  arrangements  of  the  city.  They  com- 
prise nearly  a  dozen  separate  properties,  which  were 


158'  PUBLIC  WORKS. 

formerly  barren  heaths,  and  which  have  all  been  bought 
by  the  corporation  within  the  last  eighteen  years  for  the 
special  purpose  of  utilizing  the  town  sewage.  .  .  .  The 
sewage  is  pumped  to  the  highest  point  upon  each  estate 
— about  sixty-eight  feet  above  the  level  at  the  pumping 
stations — where  it  is  discharged  into  a  large  tank,  cor- 
responding to  that  from  which  it  has  come.  From  this 
point  it  is  spread  over  the  whole  estate,  according  to 
the  requirements  of  different  parts,  the  distribution 
being  effectively  regulated  by  an  elaborate  system  of 
sluices  and  watercourses. 

"  At  the  pumping  stations  in  the  city  there  are  self- 
acting  registers,  which  record  the  quantity  of  water  pass- 
ing through  the  gathering  tank.  Readings  of  the  regis- 
ter are  taken  four  times  daily.  A  heavy  rainfall  flushing 
the  drains  necessitates,  of  course,  a  more  rapid  evacua- 
tion of  the  tanks,  and  this  is  simply  and  readily  accom- 
plished by  increasing  the  forcing  power  of  the  engines. 
Before  passing  into  the  tank,  the  water  is  led  through 
iron  nettings  with  one-inch  apertures,  and  all  solid  mat- 
ter— wood,  paper,  straw  and  such  things — is  gathered 
apart  to  be  carted  away  to  canal  barges.  By  these  it  is 
conveyed,  with  ashes,  house  refuse  and  street  sweep- 
ings, to  be  used  on  farm  land  at  a  distance  from  the 
city.  At  the  receiving  tank  on  each  estate  there  is  also 
a  self-acting  register,  and  by  a  simple  arrangement  the 
inspector  of  the  estate  may  tell  at  any  hour  of  the  day 
or  night  at  what  point  the  water  stands.  During  the 
day  a  flag,  and  during  the  night  a  bright  lantern,  rises 
or  falls  on  a  flagstaff  as  the  volume  of  water  in  the  tank 


SEWAGE-FARMS  AT  BERLIN.  159 

is  greater  or  less ;  thus  the  risk  of  overflow  is  obviated, 
and  the  inspector,  sitting  in  his  office — it  may  be  a 
couple  of  miles  away — is  able  to  order  and  regulate  the 
outflow  at  will. 

"  The  sewage-fields  are  divided  into  three  kinds : 
First,  those  which  have  grown  richest  in  soil  are  used 
as  fruit  orchards,  and  let  out  to  market-gardeners,  who 
supply  the  fruit-markets  of  Berlin ;  second,  those  which 
are  rich  enough  to  bear  turnips,  potatoes  and  grain 
crops  are  partly  let  out  to  tenants  and  partly  managed 
by  the  corporation ;  and,  third,  those  still  growing  grass 
are  wholly  in  the  hands  of  the  corporation,  who  sell  the 
grass  to  cow-feeders  and  others.  As  many  as  five  crops 
of  grass  are  obtained  in  a  season  from  the  last-mentioned 
fields.  One  of  the  estates,  which  has  been  longest  in 
use,  now  yields  a  profit  of  about  three  per  cent  on  the 
cost  of  the  land  and  irrigation  works,  after  payment  of 
all  working  expenses,  renewals  and  up-keep." 

It  is  said  that  this  sewage-farm  system  cost  about 
$30,000,000.  The  area  of  the  sewage-fields  is  now 
(1894)  thirty  square  miles,  or  about  five  miles  larger 
than  the  land  occupied  by  the  city  of  Berlin. 

Similar  though  less  extensive  sewage-farms  were  laid 
out  at  Birmingham  in  1876,  and  the  town  authorities 
have  gradually  enlarged  their  area.  A  spacious  cow 
stable  has  been  erected,  and  the  health  officer  informed 
me  that  the  milk  was  of  the  best  quality. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

CHARITABLE    INSTITUTIONS. 

The  management  of  charitable  institutions  does  not 
differ  materially,  whether  they  are  Municipal,  State  or 
Federal.  Generally,  it  may  be  said  that  State  institu- 
tions are  managed  more  economically  than  those  of  the 
cities,  for  the  reason  that  the  local  ring  is  able  to  foist 
its  favorites  upon  the  institutions  more  easily  than 
can  be  done  in  State  or  Federal  institutions.  In  ring- 
ruled  municipalities  the  authorities  appropriate  barely 
enough  money  for  the  proper  maintenance  of  charitable 
institutions.  Instances  have  been  known  where  the 
salaries  of  officials  have  been  raised  when  the  extra  ex- 
penditure of  money  was  positively  needed  fof  the  care 
of  the  city's  dependents.  Municipal  hospitals  should  be 
placed  under  the  control  of  one  responsible  and  compe- 
tent person.  A  comparative  statement  of  the  number 
of  beds  in  hospitals,  in  proportion  to  the  population  of 
the  chief  cities  of  the  world,  may  interest  the  reader.  , 
In  Rome  it  is  18  to  every  thousand ;  in  Naples,  12 ; 
Stuttgart,  11 ;  St.  Petersburg,  9 ;  Paris,  9*83 ;  London, 
7-59 ;  and  in  New  York,  3-30. 

In  New  York  a  movement  has  been  started  to  pro- 
vide a  home  for  consumptives,  and  to  establish  more 

(160) 


BOARDS  OP  HEALTH.  161 

hospitals.  The  total  number  of  beds  in  New  York  is 
10,245,  of  which  only  4,861  are  in  the  municipal  charity 
hospitals. 

European  cities  are  generally  more  advanced  than 
those  of  the  United  States  in  regard  to  the  care  of  the 
poor  and  sick.  The  schemes  for  relief  of  the  poor  of 
Berlin  have  been  reduced  to  a  science.  There  are  institu- 
tions for  the  care  of  poor  children,  old  married  couples, 
and  orphan  and  sick  poor,  and  night  refuges  and  shel- 
ters. There  is  also  a  system  of  unpaid  inspection  and 
outdoor  relief.  District  physicians  and  surgeons  have 
been  established,  who  visit  the  poor  in  their  homes, 
and  to  whom  a  small  annual  allowance  is  paid  by  the 
city.  These  medical  officers  make  careful  discrimina- 
tion between  the  innocently  poor  and  those  whose 
poverty  is  the  direct  consequence  of  their  own  vicious 
habits. 

The  Boards  of  Health  in  cities  should  be  separate 
departments,  not  bureaus  of  the  city  government.  In 
New  York  the  Board  of  Health  is  practically  a  bureau 
of  the  Police  Department,  and  it  is  thereby  less  efficient 
than  an  independent  department  would  be.  Boards  of 
Health  should  have  plenary  powers  in  the  matter  of 
sanitation,  drainage,  plumbing,  inspection  of  food,  milk, 
etc.  The  class  of  men  selected  for  inspectors  by  the 
Board  of  Health  should  pass  a  very  rigorous  examina- 
tion, and  should  be  independent  of  politics.  American 
cities  could  learn  a  lesson  from  the  municipality  of  Ber- 
lin, where  the  citizens  are  practically  as  free  in  the  best 
sense  as  in  this  country ;  but  the  health  officers  of  Ber- 


162  CHARITABLE  INSTITUTIONS. 

lin  will  not  allow  a  resident  to  make  himself  a  nuisance 
or  a  source  of  danger  to  his  neighbor.    (See  page  137.) 

The  results  of  improved  sanitation  in  Berlin  are 
very  striking.  In  1873  a  system  was  begun  that  in  a 
few  years  transformed  the  city  from  one  of  the  most 
uuhealthful  to  one  of  the  most  healthful  in  Europe.  The 
death-rate  has  been  reduced  from  thirty  to  about  twenty 
per  thousand,  and  the  tendency  is  toward  further  dimi- 
nution. This  remarkable  result  has  been  brought  about 
chiefly  through  the  labors  of  Prof.  Virchow.  He  is  the 
most  eminent  pathologist  of  the  time,  and,  besides  serv- 
ing as  town  councillor,  he  has  been  a  member  both  of 
the  Landtag  and  the  Reichstag. 

The  town  of  Birmingham,  England,  has  a  very  effi- 
cient health  officer,  who  has  served  for  many  years.  By 
improvements  in  Birmingham  the  death-rate  decreased 
from  26-8  per  thousand  in  1874  to  19  per  thousand  in 
1888.  By  virtue  of  the  Artisans'  Dwelling  Act,  houses 
in  the  slums  have  been  torn  down  occasionally  and  new 
buildings  erected  by  the  corporation  of  Birmingham. 

The  death-rate  in  New  Orleans  for  1893  seems  to 
be  the  largest  of  any  American  city.  It  was  28*17  per 
thousand.  Boston  came  next,  with  a  rate  of  2402, 
while  that  of  New  York  was  23-52.  The  death-rate  of 
Dublin  was  27-05,  and  of  Rheims,  France,  2862. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

PUBLIC   SCHOOLS   AND  TRADE   SCHOOLS. 

In  the  United  States  the  municipal  authorities  are 
less  apt  to  provide  for  higher  education  than  those  of 
Europe.  The  colleges  are  almost  invariably  supported 
by  private  enterprise.  In  our  great  metropolis  there  is 
the  College  of  the  City  of  New  York,  which  was  estab- 
lished under  the  law  of  1848,  and  was  at  first  known 
as  the  Free  Academy.  It  was  reorganized  in  1866,  and 
the  members  of  the  Board  of  Education,  together  with 
the  president  of  the  college,  are  the  trustees  of  the 
institution.  It  is  entitled  to  an  annual  appropriation 
not  exceeding  1150,000,  In  1894  the  Legislature  passed 
a  bill  providing  for  a  new  site,  with  buildings  for  this 
college,  but  it  was  vetoed  by  Governor  Flower. 

In  1869  an  institution  for  girls,  similar  to  the  old 
Free  Academy,  was  organized.  It  was  then  called  the 
Normal  and  High  School,  but  in  the  following  year 
the  name  was  changed  to  Normal  College.  It  now  has 
a  curriculum  of  five  years,  while  the  majority  of  other 
normal  institutions  have  only  a  three  years'  course.  The 
annual  appropriation  for  the  Normal  College  is  $125,000. 

In  Berlin  the  administration  of  both  common  and 
high  schools  is  vested  in  the  so-called  city  school  depu- 

13  (163) 


164      PUBLIC  SCHOOLS  AND  TRADE  SCHOOLS. 

tation,  composed  of  about  thirty  members,  several  of 
whom  are  members  of  the  City  Council.  Some  of  the 
large  common  schoolhouses  have  extensive  yards  con- 
taining gymnastic  apparatus,  and  the  students  are 
obliged  to  use  it.  These  schools  are  unsurpassed  by 
any  in  the  world.  Fourteen  per  cent  of  the  population 
are  at  school.  This  is  about  two  per  cent  more  than  in 
Edinburgh,  which,  according  to  Mr.  James  Pollard,  is 
the  most  school-going  city  in  the  United  Kingdom. 

Education  in  Berlin  is  compulsory.  In  the  common 
schools  it  is  free,  but  in  the  higher  schools  the  annual 
tuition  costs  from  $20  to  $25 ;  and  where  three  mem- 
bers of  a  family  attend  school  at  the  same  time  the 
third  one  is  usually  a  free  pupil.  Every  child  begins  to 
attend  school  at  the  age  of  six,  and  must  continue  until 
it  reaches  fourteen.  Children  were  formerly  allowed  to 
■work  in  factories,  and  given  three  hours  daily  attend- 
ance at  schools,  but  this  rule  has  been  repealed  by  a 
recent  law.  Half  holidays  are  allowed  on  Wednesdays 
and  Saturdays,  instead  of  the  entire  Saturday,  as  in  the 
United  States.  Music  is  cultivated.  Careful  attention 
is  paid  to  the  manners  of  the  children  of  Germany. 
Boys  doff  their  caps  to  their  teachers,  and  the  rules  of 
politeness  are  strictly  enforced.  The  Germans  have  a 
proverb  that  runs  thus : 

"  Mit  dem  Hute  in  der  Hand 
Koramt  man  durch  das  ganze  Land," 

which  I  may  thus  translate  : 

"  With  your  hat  in  your  hand 
You  got  on  in  tho  land." 


EDUCATION  IN  BERLIN.  165 

Absence  from  school  is  severely  punished.  Corporal 
punishment  is  resorted  to,  but,  in  Mr.  Pollard's  opinion, 
it  is  not  more  severe  than  in  English  board  schools, 
where  there  is  now  almost  no  ground  for  complaint. 

The  corporation  of  Berlin  supports  trade  schools,  in 
which  young  workmen  are  instructed  in  the  trade  they 
have  chosen,  in  the  use  of  their  tools,  and  somewhat 
of  the  science  of  their  calling.  The  fee  is  from  twenty- 
five  to  fifty  cents  a  session.  The  trade  schools  were 
established  about  1882,  and  have  proved  very  useful. 
The  municipal  authorities  of  Berlin  maintain  element- 
ary schools  for  the  education  of  blind  and  deaf-mute 
children.  The  annual  appropriation  for  all  classes  of 
schools  in  Berlin  is  about  $3,500,000.  The  pupils  at- 
tending the  city  schools  of  all  kinds  cost  the  city  annu- 
ally about  $13  each. 

In  New  York  the  annual  appropriation  for  public 
schools  is  $4,448,355. 

In  Philadelphia  it  must  be  at  least  $1,000,000  under 
the  Constitution,  and  it  is  actually  $3,549,855.  Women 
are  eligible,  by  the  Constitution,  to  all  school  offices. 
In  1891  a  School  of  Pedagogy  was  established  for  the 
free  education  of  male  teachers  as  an  adjunct  of  the 
Central  High  School.  There  is  also  a  Girls'  Normal 
School  and  a  Manual  Training  School. 

In  Boston  the  annual  expenditure  for  schools  is 
$2,266,000.  In  Baltimore  it  is  $993,677.  In  Chicago 
the  school-tax  fund  is  $5,550,000,  or  $1,000,000  more 
than  in  New  York.  Of  sixteen  American  cities  that 
have  more  than  250,000  inhabitants,  New  York  stands 


166      PUBLIC  SCHOOLS  AND  TRADE  SCHOOLS. 

number  fourteen  in  its  expenditures  joer  capita  of  popu- 
lation for  the  purposes  of  free  education  ;  and  of  the 
thirty-three  municipalities,  whose  populations  exceed 
100,000,  her  place  is  number  twenty-six. 

Although  municipal  trade  schools  have  been  estab- 
lished in  nearly  every  country  of  Europe,  they  are  still 
in  their  infancy  in  the  United  States.  In  the  "  mechan- 
ical "  course  of  the  College  of  the  City  of  New  York  a 
course  of  study  in  the  mechanic  arts,  covering  five 
years,  is  pursued,  a  workshop  having  been  fitted  up  in 
the  basement  of  the  building.  There  is  thus  far  no 
purely  trade  common  school,  so  to  speak,  in  the  city  of 
New  York,  although  there  are  several  manual  training 
public  schools.  Colonel  Richard  T.  Auchmuty  was, 
perhaps,  the  founder  of  trade  schools  in  the  United 
States.  He  established  the  New  York  Trade  School 
with  his  own  money  in  1881,  and  he  expended  nearly 
$250,000  upon  it.  During  the  first  year  he  had  thirty 
pupils,  who  were  increased  to  ninety-eight  in  the  sec- 
ond year,  and  two  hundred  and  seven  in  the  third. 
At  present  the  graduates  number  over  six  hundred, 
and  boys  come  to  the  school  from  all  points  in  the 
United  States  and  Canada.  The  other  principal  trade 
schools  are  The  Williamson  Free  School  of  Mechanical 
Trades  (endowed  with  nearly  $2,000,000  by  the  late 
Isaiah  V.  "Williamson),  in  a  suburb  of  Philadelphia; 
the  Pratt  Institute,  Brooklyn;  the  Drexel  Institute, 
Philadelphia  ;  the  Armour  Institute,  Chicago  ;  and  the 
Horological  School,  at  Walton,  Mass. 

The  Polytechnic  Institute  at  Baltimore  is,  I  believe, 


THE  FRANKLIN  FUND  OF  BOSTON.  167 

the  oldest  municipal  institution  for  technical  education 
in  the  country.  Several  years  ago  a  Manual  Training 
School  for  Colored  Youths  was  established  in  the  same 
city. 

Boston,  renowned  as  she  is  for  her  superb  educa- 
tional facilities,  has  as  yet  no  trade  school  ;  but  the 
Franklin  Fund,  amounting  to  something  over  $300,000, 
is  to  be  devoted  to  the  establishment  of  one  or  more 
such  institutions.  In  April,  1894,  the  aldermen  made  a 
tour  of  the  large  cities  for  the  purpose  of  inspecting 
technical  schools. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

FINANCE  AND  TAXATION. 

The  suTsjects  of  finance  and  taxation  are  not  exclu- 
sively departments  of  municipal  government.  Yet  it  is 
necessary  to  discuss  them  briefly  in  this  volume,  because 
the  residents  of  a  city  pay  a  much  larger  sum  in  direct 
taxation  for  the  support  of  the  municipality  than  for 
that  of  the  State.  Moreover,  the  debts  of  the  cities  are 
proportionately  much  greater  than  those  of  the  State  or 
the  national  Government.  The  vast  amount  of  prop- 
erty exempt  from  taxation  in  cities  increases,  of  course, 
the  rate  of  tax  paid  by  the  individual.  In  New  York 
city  the  real  estate  exempt  from  taxation  is  valued  at 
$308,398,495,  of  which  1205,814,770  belongs  to  the  city 
and  $18,863,000  to  the  United  States.  Many  buildings 
used  for  educational,  charitable  or  artistic  purposes  are 
exempt  by  special  act  of  the  Legislature.  Church  prop- 
erty is  not  taxed. 

The  total  State  tax  paid  by  the  city  of  New  York  in 
1893  was  $4,112,266.62,  out  of  the  $35,064,257  tax-levy. 
For  several  years  the  eity  of  New  York  has  paid  nearly 
half  of  the  State  tax,  although  the  population  is  but 
one  fourth  of  that  of  the  State.  There  are  single 
blocks  in  the  business  part  of  the  city  that  are  worth 

(168) 


^  INCREASE  OF  MUNICIPAL  DEBTS.  169 

more  than  all  the  real  and  personal  property  in  some 
rural  counties. 

In  the  early  days  of  the  republic,  cities  were  ham- 
pered by  the  lack  of  power  of  their  officers  to  raise  money 
by  taxation.  This  was  especially  the  case  in  Philadel- 
phia under  Penn's  charter.  The  power  to  raise  revenue 
for  the  current  expenses  of  the  municipality  was  grad- 
ually given  by  the  Commonwealth  to  the  various  cities. 
At  the  present  day  the  City  Councils  or  Boards  of  Al- 
dermen in  some  cases  have  power  to  raise  money  by 
taxation. 

It  is  usual  to  limit  by  constitutional  provision  the 
power  of  a  municipality  to  incur  indebtedness.  In 
some  cities  the  total  debt  can  not  exceed  ten  per  cent 
of  the  assessed  valuation  of  the  real  property  subject  to 
taxation. 

Municipal  credit  was  not  abused- in  the  United 
States  until  the  close  of  the  civil  war.  Then  a  mania 
for  speculation  and  extravagance  overcame  the  people. 
Prof.  Henry  C.  Adams,  in  his  book  on  Public  Debts, 
says  :  "  The  financial  evils  of  municipal  administration 
are  so  familiar  that  they  cease  to  be  the  occasion  of  sur- 
prise ;  and  it  is  important  to  learn  whether  such  evils 
are  traceable  to  a  disregard  of  financial  principles,  to 
some  radical  defect  in  the  organization  of  city  govern- 
ment, or  to  the  imperfect  development  of  society  itself. 

"  In  1840  the  debts  of  cities  amounted  to  little  more 
than  125,000,000.  ...  So  late  as  the  year  1860  the 
bonded  indebtedness  of  the  cities  containing  a  popu- 
lation of  7,500  and  upward  was  but  $51,000,000.  .  .  . 


170  FINANCE  AND  TAXATION. 

By  tho  year  1870  the  combined  debts  of  cities,  towns, 
counties  and  school  districts  amounted  to  $515,800,000 ; 
and  during  the  ten  years  that  followed,  $306,300,000 
were  added  to  this  sum.  .  .  .  The  cities  have  appealed 
to  public  credit  regardless  of  consequences." 

A  table  of  the  increase  of  population,  taxable  valua- 
tion, taxation  and  debt  in  fifteen  of  the  chief  cities  of 
the  United  States,  from  1866  to  1875,  is  as  follows : 

Increase  in  population 70*5  per  cent. 

Increase  in  tax  valuation 156-9  per  cent. 

Increase  in  debt 270-9  per  cent. 

Increase  in  taxation 363-2  per  cent.* 

The  increase  in  debt  has  been  most  notable  in  the 
large  cities,  as  shown  by  the  following  comparison  that 
I  have  condensed  from  Prof.  Adams's  work,  pages  344, 
345.  Statistics  of  twelve  large  cities  for  the  years  1877- 
1886  are  compared  with  those  of  twelve  small  cities  for 
the  same  period : 

Aggregate  increase  of  debt 187,  as  against    98  per  cent. 

Aggregate  increase  of  valuation 74,  as  against  121  per  cent. 

Aggregate  increase  of  taxation 86,  as  against  108  per  cent. 

Aggregate  increase  of  population 88,  as  against    42  per  cent. 

Amount  of  debt  per  capita  of  population,  $86.50,  as  against  $26.50. 

The  sudden  increase  of  the  debt  of  New  York  dur- 
ing the  reign  of  the  Tweed  ring  is,  perhaps,  the  most 
remarkable  of  any  large  city.  (See  page  14.)  During 
the  two  years  preceding  the  downfall  of  that  ring  in 


*  See  the  Report  of  the  Pennsylvania  Commission  to  devise  a 
Plan  for  the  Government  of  the  Cities. 


RATES  OF  INTEREST  ON  BONDS.      Ijl 

1871  the  increase  of  the  city's  debt  was  $40,650,648. 
On  July  1,  1894,  the  net  funded  debt  of  New  York  city 
was  $104,339,034,  and  the  State  of  New  York  is  practi- 
cally out  of  debt. 

In  the  small  cities  the  most  sudden  and  remarkable 
increase  is  that  of  Elizabeth,  N.  J.  That  city  is  practi- 
cally bankrupt.  It  has  an  indebtedness  of  $3,737,760, 
against  a  total  property  valuation  of  $14,076,270.  The 
debt  grew  chiefly  out  of  the  needless  paving  of  streets, 
at  exorbitant  prices,  that  were  far  in  advance  of  any 
present  use.  There  was  also  general  reckless  extrava- 
gance in  all  municipal  expenditures  for  other  improve- 
ments.    The  population  of  the  city  is  38,000. 

Increase  of  bonded  indebtedness  is  not  peculiar  to 
American  cities.  In  Europe  the  municipalities  are  dis- 
posed to  increase  their  debts,  though  to  a  much  more 
limited  extent;  but  it  is  difficult  to  compare  the  in- 
debtedness of  the  cities  of  Europe  with  those  of  the 
United  States,  as  the  administrative  departments  of 
Europe  are  managed  so  much  more  economically,  and 
the  cost  of  material  and  the  price  of.  labor  are  much 
less. 

A  city  having  a  low  rate  of  taxation  has  often  a 
large  bonded  debt.  The  rates  of  interest  now  paid  on 
city  bonds  are  worthy  of  attention.  The  city  of  New 
York,  owing  to  its  great  wealth,  makes,  perhaps,  the 
best  showing.  Of  late  years  bonds  have  been  some- 
times issued  bearing  only  two  and  a  half  per  cent  in- 
terest. In  Tweed's  time  loans  were  made  at  the  rate 
of  seven  per  cent,  and  some  of  these  bonds  are  still  out- 


172  FINANCE  AND  TAXATION. 

standing.  During  Mayor  Hewitt's  term — January  1, 
1887,  to  January  1, 1889 — he  endeavored  to  induce  the 
holders  of  these  bonds  to  surrender  them  and  to  re- 
fund or  accept  in  their  stead  bonds  paying  three  per 
cent  and  running  for  a  long  term ;  but  the  bondholders 
declined  the  proposition. 

The  city  of  Chicago  is  about  to  reissue  at  four  per 
cent  $1,787,000'  worth  of  bonds  that  have  borne  interest 
at  seven  per  cent. 

Many  of  the  small  cities  in  the  United  States  are 
now  selling  bonds  at  the  rate  of  four  and  five  per  cent. 
These  bonds  are  sometimes  exempted  from  municipal 
taxation.  In  the  District  of  Columbia  registered  bonds, 
guaranteed  by  the  United  States  Government  and  bear- 
ing interest  at  3-65  per  cent,  have  been  issued  recently. 
The  issue  is  limited  to  $5,000,000  and  is  exempt  from 
all  taxes.  The  city  bonds  in  several  Western  States  are 
fair  investments  because  the  city  debt  is  limited  by  the 
State  Constitution  to  five  per  cent  of  the  assessed  valu- 
ation of  the  taxable  property. 

The  tax-rate  of  cities  is  often  a  delusion  and  a  snare, 
for  the  reason  that,  where  the  municipal  authorities 
refuse  to  make  an  appropriation,  application  is  made 
to  the  Legislature  for  authority  to  issue  bonds.  This 
method  of  financial  juggling  is  adopted  in  the  city  of 
New  York.  For  example,  on  January  1,  1887,  the 
net  city  debt  was  $90,395,633,  the  lowest  point  it  has 
reached  since  1872.  On  January  1,  1889,  the  debt  was 
$91,423,135.  From  1889  to  1892,  the  city  of  New  York 
incurred  new  indebtedness  to  the  extent  of  $43,887,693 ; 


DEBTS  OF  AMERICAN   CITIES.  173 

but  during  the  same  period,  old  debt  to  the  amount  of 
$21,170,815  was  redeemed  and  canceled,  making  the 
net  increase  in  the  bonded  debt  $22,716,878.  On  Janu- 
ary 1,  1893,  the  net  bonded  debt,  after  deducting  the 
amount  of  the  sinking  fund,  was  198,995,651. 

The  assets  of  the  city  are  estimated  by  the  present 
Mayor  at  $559,000,000,  or  about  five  times  as  much  as 
the  present  debt. 

On  January  1,  1894,  the  net  funded  debts  of  the 
principal  cities  were  approximately  as  follows : 

Brooklyn $47,337,000 

Boston 35,000,000 

Philadelphia 27,930,000 

Cincinnati 26,000,000 

St.  Louis 21,376,000 

Chicago 18,450,000 

Baltimore 16,100,000 

Pittsburg 9,000,000 

San  Francisco 650,000 

The  expenditures  of  the  cities  of  Europe  should  be 
proportionately  larger,  for  the  reason  that  the  standing 
army  is  quartered  upon  them,  and  many  buildings  and 
open  spaces  are  occupied  for  garrison  purposes,  where, 
in  the  United  States,  the  corresponding  area  would  be 
owned  by  private  individuals  and  hence  furnish  an  in- 
come in  the  form  of  taxation.  In  Germany  the  soldiers 
are  not  allowed  to  vote,  so  they  have  no  indirect  means 
of  increasing  or  decreasing  the  city  debt.  The  annual 
municipal  expenditure  of  the  leading  cities  is  here 
given : 


174 


FINANCE  AND  TAXATION. 


Cities. 

Expenditure. 

Population. 

London 

$58,446,000 
66,000,000 
21,150,000 
11,868,000 
38,664,257 
32.426,210 
23,061,526 
10,647,928 

5,100,000* 

Paris 

2.480,000 

Berlin 

1,767,000 

Vienna 

1,423,000 

New  York  f 

1,610.108 1 
1,098,576 

Chicago 

Philadelphia 

1,044.894 

Boston 

446,507 

The  cost  of  government  per  capita  is  in  London 
$11.46,  in  Paris  $26.61,*  and  in  Berlin  $11.97.  In  the 
city  of  New  York  the  rate  was  $5  in  1850.  At  the  end 
of  Tweed's  administration,  in  1871,  it  was  $18.66 ;  and 
in  1893,  excluding  the  expenditure  for  assessments,  it 
was  $24.01. 

Some  residents  of  cities  advocate  the  single-tax 
theory — that  is,  all  taxes  should  be  placed  upon  land, 
whether  improved  or  unimproved,  and  the  so-called  un- 
earned increment  (which,  in  a  city  like  New  York,  is 
enormous)  should  go  to  the  city,  and  not  to  the  free- 
holder. The  rural  taxpayer  constantly  complains  of  the 
amount  of  personal  property  that  escapes  taxation  in 
cities,  and  he  naturally  favors  the  distribution  of  the 
tax  upon  real  and  personal  property.  In  some  States 
the  so-called  listing  system  is  in  force ;  but  it  is  very 
unpopular,  and  the  owners   of   personal  property  re- 


•  In  1890.    (See  pages  52,  53.) 

f  Excluding  about  $3,500,000  for  improvements  by  assess- 
ments and  by  the  issue  of  bonds. 

X  The  mean  of  the  federal  and  police  census. 

*  In  London  the  debt  per  capita  is  $45.92,  and  in  Paris  it  is 
$161.80. 


TAXES  IN  PARIS  AND   BERLIN.  1^5 

sort  to  every  device,  including  perjury,  to  evade  tax- 
ation. 

An  income  tax  is  levied  in  the  principal  countries  of 
Europe,  and  a  similar  system  will  take  effect  in  the 
United  States,  January  1,  1895. 

In  France  special  kinds  of  taxes  are  levied,  such  as 
the  patente,  which  is  a  license  duty  paid  by  all  persons 
habitually  engaged  in  a  "  profession,  commerce  or  in- 
dustry." In  Great  Britain  and  on  the  Continent  the 
tenant  pays  a  tax  on  the  amount  of  his  rent.  In  Paris 
the  shopkeeper  pays  a  tax  on  the  number  of  doors  and 
windows.  The  French  and  German  systems  of  munici- 
pal taxation  are  so  complicated  that  I  have  not  sufficient 
space  to  explain  them.  I  merely  refer  to  them,  so  that 
the  American  student  of  municipal  taxation  may  pursue 
the  subject  at  his  leisure. 

Some  idea  of  the  tax  on  real  estate  in  Paris  may  be 
formed  when  I  say  that  the  owner  of  a  building  worth 
120,000  pays  a  tax  of  $80,  which  is  divided  between  the 
city,  the  department  and  the  republic.  He  pays  an 
additional  tax  of  $24  on  the  doors  and  windows.  Then 
the  tenant  pays  a  tax  on  the  amount  of  business  done, 
and  the  freeholder  pays  a  general  income  tax  in  addition. 

In  Berlin  the  owner  of  a  house  and  lot  has  to  pay  to 
the  city  two  and  two  ninths  per  cent  on  the  rent,  which 
is  appraised  by  official  experts,  besides  the  tax  on  the 
real  estate.  The  tenant  has  to  pay  an  annual  tax  of 
six  and  two  thirds  per  cent  on  the  annual  rent  above 
1250  ;  five  per  cent,  from  $200  to  $250  ;  four  per  cent, 
from  $150  to  $200  ;  three  per  cent,  from  $100  to  $150 ; 


176  FINANCE  AND  TAXATION. 

two  per  cent,  from  $50  to  1100,  and  nothing  under  $50. 
The  taxes  on  a  house  that  rents  for  $30,000  are  $1,311, 
or  six  and  five  ninths  per  cent,  exclusive  of  the  water 
and  gas  taxes. 

The  average  cost  of  collecting  taxes  in  the  large 
American  cities  is  a  trifle  more  than  one  per  cent.  In 
New  York  city  it  is  about  half  of  one  per  cent.  The 
other  chief  sources  of  revenue  are  franchises  for  the  use 
of  streets  and  from  ferries,  in  cities  with  a  water-front. 

Leroy-Beaulieu  says  that,  in  his  opinion,  the  revenue 
of  European  cities  will,  in  the  near  future,  be  collected 
from  such  sources  as  the  rent  of  public  halls  and  mar- 
kets, slaughter-houses,  waterworks,  gas-works  and  pub- 
lic conveyances.  The  municipal  gas-works  in  German 
cities  are  an  excellent  investment.  In  Berlin  about 
eighteen  per  cent  of  the  annual  municipal  expenditure 
is  raised  from  the  sale  of  gas ;  and  in  Philadelphia 
nearly  seventeen  per  cent  is  collected  in  a  similar 
manner. 

The  improvident  disposal  of  franchises  to  individ- 
uals or  corporations  in  American  cities  accounts  to 
some  extent  for  the  enormous  municipal  debts.  In  the 
city  of  New  York  alone,  if  the  franchises  for  surface 
railways,  stages  and  ferries  had  been  granted  for  an 
adequate  sum,  it  would  scarcely  be  necessary  at  present 
to  pay  taxes  for  the  support  of  the  city  government. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

MUNICIPALIZATION". 

Excepting  waterworks,  markets  and  docks,  munici- 
pal authorities  in  the  United  States  rarely  go  beyond 
what  may  be  termed  the  regular  or  ordinary  sphere  of 
public  works.  Municipal  tramways,  railroads,  lodging- 
houses,  savings-banks,  public  halls,  disinfection  estab- 
lishments, abattoirs,  art-museums,  pawnshops  and  gas- 
works are  almost  unknown.  The  last  named  are  the 
most  common,  for  there  are  twelve  cities  that  own 
their  gas-works.     (See  page  104.) 

Railroads. — The  municipality  of  Cincinnati  com- 
pleted in  1879  the  Cincinnati  Southern  Railway,  about 
three  hundred  miles  long.  This  subject  is  fully  de- 
scribed by  J.  H.  Hollender  as  "  A  Study  in  Municipal 
Activity,"  in  the  Johns  Hopkins  University  Studies, 
twelfth  series,  vols.  i.  and  ii.  (1894). 

The  Legislature  of  New  York,  during  the  session  of 
1894,  passed  a  law  permitting  the  city  of  New  York  to 
construct  a  railroad.  It  is  the  so-called  Chamber  of 
Commerce  Rapid  Transit  Acl,  because  the  bill  was  ap- 
proved by  that  body.  The  law  is  to  be  submitted  to 
the  voters  at  the  general  election  in  November,  1894,  and, 
if  the  referendum  is  carried,  the  work  will  at  once  be 

(177) 


178  MUNICIPALIZATION. 

begun  by  the  rapid  transit  commissioners.  This  pro- 
posed municipal  railway  will  be,  I  think,  the  practical 
solution  of  the  problem  of  rapid  transit  for  New  York 
city. 

The  number  of  passengers  carried  on  the  New  York 
Elevated  Railroads  increased  from  45,900,000  in  1879 
to  221,400,000  in  1893. 

With  the  exception  of  the  Cincinnati  Southern  Rail- 
way, the  most  gigantic  municipal  enterprise  is  prob- 
ably the  New  York  and  Brooklyn  Bridge.  The  Bridge 
Company  was  originally  chartered  as  a  private  corpora- 
tion. (^See  chapter  399,  laws  of  1867.)  But  little  work 
was  done  until  about  1874,  when  an  act  was  passed  tak- 
ing away  all  the  rights  of  this  corporation,  and  making 
it  a  municipal  work  of  the  two  cities.  (See  chapter 
601,  laws  of  1874,  and  chapter  300,  laws  of  1875.)  The 
present  bridge  was  built  by  the  cities  of  New  York  and 
Brooklyn,  the  former  paying  one  third  and  the  latter 
two  thirds  of  the  cost.  The  trustees  of  the  bridge  are 
appointed  by  the  respective  Mayors  of  the  two  munici- 
palities. The  receipts  of  the  bridge  are  used  for  its 
maintenance  and  to  provide  for  the  payment  of  em- 
ployees. All  surplus  moneys  received  for  tolls  are  paid 
twice  a  year,  at  the  rate  of  two  thirds  to  Brooklyn  and 
one  third  to  New  York.  The  cost  of  the  structure  was 
about  116,500,000.  In  1893,  42,615,105  passengers  were 
carried  in  the  cable  cars  that  cross  the  bridge.  The 
fare  of  each  passenger  is  three  cents,  or  ten  tickets  for 
twenty-five  cents.  Pedestrians  were  formerly  charged 
one  cent,  but  the  bridge  is  now  free  for  them.     The 


LODGING-HOUSES.  179 

arches  or  spaces  under  the  bridge,  between  the  piers  and 
the  termini  of  New  York  and  Brooklyn,  are  rented  for 
warehouses,  stables  and  other  purposes,  the  annual  rent 
roil  being  now  nearly  1100,000. 

Lodging-Houses. — The  only  municipal  lodging- 
house  in  the  United  States,  so  far  as  I  know,  is  in  Bos- 
ton. Applicants  for  shelter  are  obliged  to  saw  or  chop 
wood  for  three  hours  in  return  for  supper,  lodging  and 
breakfast.  They  are  also  compelled  to  be  scrubbed  in  a 
bath-tub.  In  1886  a  law  was  passed  (chapter  535)  to 
provide  for  the  establishment  of  municipal  lodging- 
houses  in  the  city  of  New  York.  Two  years  later  the 
Department  of  Public  Charities  and  Correction  in- 
cluded in  its  annual  estimates  $25,000  for  the  purpose 
of  enforcing  the  act.  But  the  Board  of  Estimate  and 
Apportionment  refused  to  make  an  appropriation  for 
that  purpose,  and  in  the  following  year  the  same  appli- 
cation was  made  and  rejected.  The  commissioners  then 
concluded  that  the  expenditure  necessary  to  establish 
such  lodging-houses  should  be  assumed  by  private  en- 
terprise and  philanthropy  , 

Seven  city  lodging-houses  have  been  established  in 
Glasgow,  a  bed  with  clean  sheets  costing  but  seven 
cents. 

There  are  many  cheap  lodging-houses"  in  the  city  of 
New  York,  which  are  licensed  by  the  Board  of  Health, 
usually  in  January.  In  the  first  week  of  this  month  of 
1894  the  licenses  granted  included  accommodations  foi 
11,321  men.  These  figures  give  a  fair  idea  of  the  ex- 
tent of  the  so-called  lodging-house  vote  in  New  York. 
18 


180  MUNICIPALIZATION. 

In  autumn  this  number  is  estimated  at  about  22,000,  or 
nearly  nine  per  cent  of  the  total  vote  of  the  city.  In 
1893  lodgings  were  given  in  police  stations  to  127,520 
persons,  of  whom  a  slight  majority  were  males. 

DisiNFECTioir. — In  1886  the  corporation  of  Berlin 
erected  the  first  disinfection  establishment.  In  all 
oases  where  infectious  diseases  have  been  found  in  a 
dwelling,  the  bedding,  clothing,  carpets,  etc.,  which  are 
likely  to  contain  the  germs  of  disease,  are  placed  in  a 
covered  conveyance  and  carried  to  this  estsiblishment, 
wnere  they  are  put  on  a  rack  and  exposed  to  steam  heat 
of  about  110°  Fahr.  for  thirty-five  minutes.  The  steam 
is  then  turned  off,  and  the  articles  are  cooled  and  ven- 
tilated, and  sent  home  without  damage.  A  small 
charge  is  made  on  all  goods  thus  disinfected — about 
a  cent  and  a  half  per  cubic  yard.  This  establish- 
ment is  built  of  brick  and  stone,  occupies  an  area  of 
143  by  120  feet,  inclosed  in  a  large  courtyard,  and  is 
now  considered  an  indispensable  annex  to  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  department  of  public  health.  There  is 
in  New  York  a  similar  municipal  disinfection  establish- 
ment with  a  disinfecting  corps. 

Abattoirs. — The  city  of  Berlin  has  erected  a  com- 
bined cattle-market  and  slaughter-house,  which  was 
opened  for  put)lic  use  in  1881,  and  covers  about  twenty- 
seven  acres.  All  cattle,  sheep,  swine  and  calves  to  bo 
slaughtered  in  Berlin  must  be  brought  to  this  estab- 
lishment. There  are  accommodations  for  1,300  head 
of  cattle,  3,400  swine,  2,000  sheep  and  as  many  calves; 
Mr.  Pollard  says  the  most  efficient  system  of  meat  in- 


ABATTOIRS  AND  MARKETS.  181 

spection  in  the  world  is  probably  to  be  found  in  Berlin. 
All  dead  meat  slaughtered  in  the  country,  and  intended 
for  Berlin  consumption,  must  be  brought  there  for  in- 
spection before  being  offered  for  sale  as  food  for  human 
beings.  No  butcher  can  sell  meat  that  does  not  bear 
the  official  stamp  of  the  inspecting  department  of  the 
central  market.  The  chief  inspector  is  a  veterinary 
surgeon  of  reputation,  and  he  has  twenty-two  surgeons 
and  assistant  surgeons,  with  a  large  staff  of  special  in- 
spectors, microscopists  and  stampers.  The  result  is 
that  the  purchaser  of  goods  at  a  Berlin  butcher  shop 
may  rest  assured  that  all  the  fresh  meat  there  offered 
for  sale  has  undergone  a  strict  scientific  test,  and  has 
been  declared  officially  to  be  fit  for  human  consump- 
tion. 

I  recommend  the  sanitary  authorities  of  American 
cities  to  obtain  copies  of  the  specifications  and  plans  of 
the  disinfection  establishment  and  central  slaughter- 
house of  Berlin,  with  a  view  to  their  early  adoption. 

The  abattoirs  of  Paris  consist  of  G4  pavilions,  cov- 
ering 67  acres.  This  municipal  establishment  employs 
1,000  men. 

Markets. — In  the  matter  of  municipal  markets 
Americans  should  follow  the  example  of  the  cities  of 
the  Old  World.  The  Central  Market  in  Paris  is  a 
large  iron  and  brick  building,  with  a  zinc  roof  and  with 
large  skylights  over  the  roadways.  There  are  immense 
cellars  for  storage  of  produce.  Three  parallel  lines  of 
cars  extend  from  these  cellars  to  a  tunnel  under  the 
Boulevard  de  Sebastopol,  which  communicates  with  the 


182  MUNICIPALIZATION. 

circular  railway.  The  public  markets  of  Paris  are 
opened  at  three  o'clock  a.  m.  in  summer  and  at  four 
A.  M.  in  winter.  They  are  lighted  by  electricity.  At 
seven  o'clock  the  street  peddlers'  wagons  must  be  re- 
moved and  market  refuse  on  the  streets  collected,  for 
the  sweeping  machines  are  then  used.  The  ordinance 
forbidding  the  throwing  of  rubbish  into  the  street  is 
not  strictly  enforced  in  the  vicinity  of  markets. 

The  new  model  markets  of  Berlin  are  probably  un- 
equaled  by  those  of  any  other  city.  They  are  built  of 
brick  in  the  most  substantial  manner,  and  are  well  ven- 
tilated and  lighted  by  gas.  The  market  committee 
maintain  strict  supervision  with  the  assistance  of  the 
police.  Unwholesome  food  is  promptly  seized,  cleanli- 
ness is  strictly  enforced,  and  all  refuse  is  removed  at 
least  once  a  day.  The  fish  departments  or  stalls  of  the 
Berlin  markets  are  unique.  Large  marble  tanks  have 
been  constructed  with  an  abundant  supply  of  water. 

In  "Washington  there  is  a  spacious  central  market 
which  should  be  an  object-lesson  to  some  of  the  large 
cities.  In  Philadelphia  there  are  but  four  indifferent 
market-houses  which  belong  to  the  city.  They  were 
appraised  in  1892  at  1152,000. 

The  metropolis  has  ten  markets,  some  of  which  are 
of  one  story  only,  and  the  revenue  from  market  rents 
and  fees  in  1893  was  1311,670. 

Chicago  has  no  municipal  market,  but  officers  are 
employed  by  the  city  to  inspect  meat,  fish,  vegetables, 
etc. 

In  Boston  there  are  two  city  markets — Faneuil  Hall 


ROOF-GARDENS  ON  MARKETS.  183 

and  New  Faneuil  Markets — the  total  income  of  which 
in  1893  was  $85,495.67. 

Eleven  municipal  markets  have  been  erected  in  Bal- 
timore, yielding  a  yearly  revenue  of  $51,813. 

There  are  generally  unauthorized  street  markets — 
hawkers  or  licensed  venders — in  cities.  They  are  seri- 
ous competitors  of  the  lessees  of  market  stalls,  as  they 
pay  no  rent,  and  in  some  cities  they  are  not  even 
licensed. 

A  recent  report  of  the  Public  Control  Committee 
of  the  London  County  Council  on  the  subject  of  mar- 
kets is  interesting.  I  give  a  brief  extract  from  some  of 
their  conclusions : 

"  The  market  itself  can  also  be  made  a  valuable  cen- 
ter, both  for  health  and  pleasure,  by  keeping  the  roof 
of  the  main  building  low  and  flat.  A  large  open  space 
and  playground  could  be  formed  on  this  roof,  and  the 
interior  of  the  building  could  be  so  arranged  as  to  be 
available  on  Sundays,  and,  perhaps,  at  other  times,  for 
recreative  purposes,  as  it  appears  probable  that,  to  the 
neighborhoods  in  which  these  buildings  would  be 
erected,  the  occasional  playing  of  a  municipal  band 
or  other  means  of  recreation  would  be  an  immense 
boon." 

The  combination  of  public  market  and  public 
pleasure  ground  is  deserving  of  a  trial  in  our  large 
citids.  It  has  been  suggested  recently  that  the  roofs  of 
car-stables  and  of  cable  power-houses  of  the  large  cities 
could  be  utilized  as  public  playgrounds.  These  build- 
ings are  usually  low,  with  flat  roofs,  and  at  small  ex- 


184  MUNICIPALIZATION. 

pense  they  could  be  transformed  into  delightful  roof- 
gardens  for  the  poorer  classes. 

Libraries,  Art  Galleries  and  Museums.— In 
Europe  the  State  provides  the  education  for  art  and 
science,  which  in  the  United  States  is  generally  fur- 
nished by  cities.  In  the  capitals  of  the  Old  World  there 
are  usually  a  free  library,  an  art  gallery  and  a  natural 
history  museum.  Large  industrial  museums  have  been 
established  in  London,  Paris  and  Berlin.  Few  munici- 
pal institutions  of  this  class  are  found  in  our  country. 
Free  libraries  and  free  museums  and  art  galleries  in 
American  cities  are  generally  established  by  private  en- 
terprise and  philanthropy,  on  condition  that  a  city  will 
provide  the  buildings  and  grounds. 

Several  cities  own  free  libraries  of  moderate  size, 
but  the  only  ones  of  special  importance  are  the  Public 
Libraries  of  Boston  and  Chicago.  The  city  authorities 
of  Boston  appropriate  $162,000  a  year  for  the  Public 
Library,  which  contains  about  700,000  volumes.  This 
institution  is  one  of  the  oldest  and  largest  of  the  kind 
in  this  country.  The  building  was  dedicated  January 
1, 1858.  A  new  edifice  will  be  occupied  in  the  autumn 
of  1894. 

There  are  nearly  200,000  volumes  in  the  Chicago 
City  Library,  which  will  soon  be  moved  from  the  city 
hall  to  the  new  building  on  Dearborn  Park,  and  it 
received  in  1893  an  appropriation  of  f487,464.  The 
State  of  Massachusetts  leads  the  country  in  the  number 
and  value  of  its  libraries.  By  the  fourth  annual  report 
of  the  State  Commission,  it  appears  that,  of  352  cities 


BATH-HOUSES  AND  PAWNSHOPS.  185 

and  towns  in  the  State,  234  have  libraries  that  are  con- 
trolled by  the  municipality  and  are  free  for  circulation 
to  all  persons. 

There  are  two  semi-municipal  museums  in  the  Cen- 
tral Park,  New  York — the  American  Museum  of  Natu- 
ral History  (chartered  in  1869)  and  the  Metropolitan 
Museum  of  Art  (incorporated  in  1870).  The  buildings 
are  owned  by  the  city,  while  the  collections  and  objects 
are  in  each  case  the  property  of  a  private  society,  but  all 
necessary  expenses  for  keeping  in  repair,  etc.,  are  borne 
by  the  city.  Wealthy  citizens  have  founded  valuable 
free  libraries  and  museums  with  courses  of  free  instruc- 
tion in  the  chief  municipalities. 

Bath-Houses. — In  Berlin  there  were  up  to  1893 
twelve  public  bathing  establishments.  I  witnessed  in 
that  year  the  opening  of  another  and  a  larger  (brick) 
bath-house  erected  at  a  cost  of  1150,300.  It  is  130  by 
98  feet,  and  contains  small  bath-rooms  as  well  as  a  large 
swimming  tank. 

Floating  baths  have  been  provided  by  the  authorities 
of  the  cities  on  the  Atlantic  seaboard,  but  I  know  of  no 
municipality  that  has  built  a  substantial  bath-house  in 
the  interior  of  the  town.  Such  a  movement  was  agi- 
tated in  New  York  in  1892,  but  nothing  has  yet  been 
done. 

Pawnshops. — Public  pawnshops  have  long  been 
established  in  Europe,  especially  in  France,  Germany 
and  Italy.  They  are  called  monts-de-piete  in  France, 
and  Leihhduser  in  Germany.  The  public  loan-office, 
or  Monte  de  Piedad,  has  eight  branches  in  the  city  of 


186  MUNICIPALIZATION. 

Mexico.  It  is  more  purely  a  charitable  institution  than 
that  of  Paris.  The  rate  of  interest  is  about  half  of 
that  which  the  law  permits  private  pawnbrokers  to 
charge. 

I  believe  there  are  no  municipal  pawnshops  in  the 
United  States. 

Miscellaneous. — In  Chapter  IX  I  refer  to 
twenty-three  cities  that  own  municipal  electric-lighting 
plants. 

Municipal  savings  banks  have  not  yet,  I  believe, 
been  introduced  in  the  United  States.  The  same  is 
generally  true  concerning  public  halls  in  which  citizens 
could  assemble,  excepting  the  upper  story  of  markets  in 
several  cities.  Some  years  ago  a  member  of  the  Legis- 
lature from  the  city  of  New  York  introduced  a  bill  ap- 
propriating $50,000  for  the  erection  of  a  public  hall 
in  Washington  Square,  but  it  was  not  passed.  Such 
buildings  have  been  erected  in  a  few  large  cities  of 
Europe. 

The  most  notable  example  is  the  Bourse  du  Travail^ 
or  Labor  Exchange,  in  Paris.  It  is  an  ornamental  build- 
ing, seven  stories  high,  and  cost  nearly  a  million  dol- 
lars. The  municipality  pays  the  cost  of  lighting,  heat- 
ing, cleaning  and  maintaining  the  building,  and  also 
the  salaries  of  the  six  secretaries  who  direct  its  gen- 
eral operations.  The  municipality  does  not  allow  the 
Bourse  du  Travail  to  be  used  by  the  foes  of  labor. 
When,  in  the  spring  of  1894,  a  disorderly  mob  attempt- 
ed to  use  this  building,  the  Government  closed  its  doors, 
which  were  guarded  by  soldiers. 


WATERWORKS.  18  T 

The  municipal  ownership  of  waterworks  in  this 
country  is  not  always  advantageous  to  the  taxpayers. 
The  waterworks  belonging  to  private  persons  are  usu- 
ally better  managed  than  those  owned  by  cities,  and  the 
average  cost  of  water  supply  per  capita  is  about  thirty- 
five  per  cent  less  than  when  a  municipality  owns  the 
works.  (See  page  102.)  The  water  rates  of  private  com- 
panies are  generally  about  twenty-five  per  cent  higher 
than  public  water  taxes.  This  fact  has  aroused  a 
strong  feeling  against  the  former,  for  few  citizens  stop 
to  think  of  the  taxes  they  pay,  in  addition  to  the  water 
charges,  for  public  works. 

MuNiciPALiSM. — The  present  tendency  of  Ameri- 
can city  governments  is  to  perform  what  has  long  been 
done  by  private  enterprise,  and  this  is  in  line  with  such 
progressive  cities  in  Europe  as  Berlin,  Glasgow  and 
Birmingham. 

Municipalization  is  the  proper  method  of  governing 
a  city,  provided  it  is  done  upon  business  principles.  A 
municipal  day's  work  is  generally  much  less  satisfac- 
tory to  taxpayers  than  contract  work  or  subletting  the 
work. 

In  New  York  the  party  in  power  is  seeking  con- 
tinually to  catch  the  "labor"  vote  by  proposing  laws 
specifying  that  no  laborer  in  the  city  employ  shall  re- 
ceive less  than  two  dollars  a  day,  and  that  eight  hours 
shall  constitute  a  day's  work.  It  is  obvious  that  the 
contractor,  who  gives  a  bond  for  the  faithful  perform- 
ance of  his  work,  or  who  is  dependent  upon  honest 
inspectors,  who  will  approve  his  work  before  he  can 


188  MUNICIPALIZATION. 

receive  his  pay,  and  who  employs  men  for  ten  hours 
a  day  at  the  market  price  of  labor  (which  is  usually 
less  than  that  fixed  by  the  city  departments),  can  do 
better  work.  Some  unpractical  reformers  propose  that 
street  railroads  shall  be  built  and  managed  at  the  pub- 
lic expense,  and  that  the  public  shall  be  allowed  to 
ride  free.  This  reduces  the  principle  of  municipalism 
to  an  absurdity. 

I  recommend  that  the  field  of  municipal  enterprise 
be  increased  as  soon  as  respectable  citizens  vote  to- 
gether in  sufficient  numbers  to  elect  a  better  class  of 
men  to  municipal  offices.  Municipalism  has  this  fea- 
ture to  recommend  it :  the  city  will  raise  no  corrup- 
tion fund  to  bribe  either  a  Legislature  or  a  Board  of 
Aldermen,  whereas,  in  many  States  and  cities,  it  is  now 
difficult,  and  oftentimes  impossible,  to  pass  without 
bribery  a  law  giving  a  charter  to  a  corporation  or  an 
individual  to  build  a  great  public  improvement,  such  as 
a  railroad,  a  bridge,  a  waterworks  or  a  gas  plant.  If 
public  works  were  constructed  under  the  supervision 
of  honest  commissioners,  engineers  and  inspectors,  the 
field  of  municipalism  would  be  rapidly  extended. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

ELECTIONS. 

This  chapter  may  be  considered  a  preface  to  the 
next  one.  I  have  already  said  that  the  chief  remedy 
for  our  municipal  evils  lies  in  the  suffrage — that  is,  the 
introduction  of  an  intelligent  and  independent  method 
of  voting  at  city  elections.  (See  page  49.)  The  laws 
concerning  the  elective  franchise  in  certain  States  can 
hardly  be  improved ;  the  difficulty  lies  in  their  non- 
enforcement.  A  stream  of  water  will  not  rise  higher 
than  its  source.  Unless  public  sentiment  demands  the 
enforcement  of  the  law,  our  elections  will  continue  to 
be  a  carnival  of  crime  and  corruption  in  the  larger  cit- 
ies, especially  in  New  York  and  Brooklyn. 

Precautions  against  false  registratration  should  be 
taken.  In  San  Francisco  a  voter  on  registering  must 
give  his  age,  height,  weight,  color  of  eyes,  hair,  com- 
plexion, etc. — in  other  words,  it  is  a  sort  of  passport 
registration,  and  the  registry  book  identifies  the  voter, 
so  that  a  careful  inspector  can  prevent  the  false  person- 
ation of  an  elector.  The  law  in  New  York  is  very  de- 
fective in  this  respect ;  and  when,  at  the  session  of  1894, 
a  bill  was  introduced  to  apply  the  California  statute  to 
the  whole  State  of  New  York,  two  Senators  from  the 

(189) 


190  ELECTIONS. 

metropolis  opposed  the  measure,  on  the  ground  that 
the  registry  book  would  make  a  sort  of  "  rogues'  gal- 
lery "  of  voters.  This  objection  came  from  representa- 
tives of  the  organization,  which  at  the  last  election  was 
(so  far  as  I  know)  the  only  political  party  that  com- 
mitted frauds  in  the  city  of  New  York,  and  they  were 
the  most  atrocious  frauds  since  Tweed's  time — shown 
by  a  large  number  of  indictments  and  convictions.  Be- 
lievers in  good  city  government  understand  that  the 
chief,  if  not  the  only,  weapon  in  their  hands  is  the  bal- 
lot, and  they  will  not  object  to  the  severest  and  strong- 
est law  that  human  ingenuity  can  devise. 

The  next  step  will  be  to  require  a  voter,  on  registra- 
tion day,  to  write  his  name  in  one  of  the  registry  books, 
so  that  if  the  inspectors  or  judges  of  election  should  not 
remember  the  voter  on  election  day,  four  or  five  weeks 
afterward,  he  could  be  asked  to  identify  himself  by 
writing  his  name.  In  France  every  elector  receives  by 
mail  a  so-called  carte  d^electeur  or  a  small  electoral 
ticket,  on  which  he  writes  his  name.  He  is  not  allowed 
to  vote  unless  he  presents  this  card  at  the  polls.  Then 
the  chairman  of  the  Board  of  Inspectors  cuts  off  a  cor- 
ner of  the  ticket  to  prove  that  he  has  voted,  and  returns 
it  to  him.  The  reader  will  see  that  this  regulation  re- 
quires a  voter  to  read  and  write.  All  French  elections 
are  held  on  Sunday.  In  Switzerland  voters  are  also  re- 
quired to  present  an  electoral  card  which  states  the  oc- 
cupation and  year  of  birth.  Under  this  system  "  repeat- 
ing "  is  impossible,  and  the  false  personation  of  a  voter 
is  next  to  impossible. 


THE  FRENCH  ELECTION  LAWS.  191 

A  few  writers  on  the  subject  of  electoral  reform 
have  recently  suggested  the  introduction  of  the  French 
system  in  the  United  States.  Its  adoption  would  bring 
out  a  protest  chiefly  from  the  so-called  better  element, 
who  would  be  more  inclined  to  leave  their  electoral 
tickets  at  home  and  refuse  to  go  after  them  than  the 
humbler  class  of  voters  or  professional  politicians,  who 
think  of  little  but  politics  during  a  campaign. 

In  Alabama  a  statute  was  enacted  in  February,  1893, 
providing  that  "  each  registrar  shall,  at  the  time  of  his 
registration,  furnish  to  each  elector,  who  may  register, 
a  certificate  of  registration."  A  subsequent  section  con- 
tains these  words  :  "  That  in  order  to  prevent  repeating, 
no  elector  shall  be  allowed  to  receive  a  ballot  from  the 
inspectors,  nor  to  cast  a  ballot,  until  he  shall  have  pro- 
duced and  surrendered  to  the  inspectors  of  election  at 
the  polling-place  the  certificate  of  registration  herein- 
before provided  for." 

Professional  reformers  are  prone  to  exaggerate  the 
importance  of  primary  elections.  They  say  that,  if  the 
masses  of  voters  will  only  attend  the  primaries,  better 
candidates  will  be  placed  in  nomination.  Theoretically 
this  is  true,  but  the  project  can  hardly  be  carried  out. 
The  voters  who  do  not  take  an  active  part  in  political 
manipulation  can  not  make  their  influence  felt  without 
united  action,  and  business  men  can  scarcely  be  ex- 
pected, to  organize  an  opposition  among  themselves,  to 
have  headquarters  and  work  together  at  a  primary.  In 
other  words,  concerted  action  is  hardly  possible  among 
those  who  are  not  professional  politicians.     Long  ex- 


192  ELECTIONS. 

perience  has  shown  that,  except  during  a  great  crisis  or 
political  revolution,  business  men  will  not  attend  the 
primary  elections.  If  the  ordinary  citizen  registers  and 
votes,  it  is  really  all  that  can  be  expected  of  him.  Re- 
formers complain  that  "  the  whole  thing  is  cut  and 
dried,"  when  a  political  convention  is  called  to  order, 
and  they  have  only  the  choice  of  voting  for  the  regular 
ticket,  or  nominating  some  unknown  man,  or  bolting 
the  convention's  nominations.  An  excellent  alternative 
for  the  proposed  "slate  candidates"  has  just  been  es- 
tablished in  the  city  of  New  York.  The  so-called 
Good-Government  Clubs,  in  the  campaign  of  1893,  se- 
lected worthy  candidates  and  obtained  their  acceptance 
by  the  Republican  organization  in  two  districts,  and 
elected  them  by  a  large  majority  in  districts,  which,  in 
the  previous  years,  have  been  Democratic.  These  two 
Good-Government  Club  Assemblymen  were  men  of  high 
standing,  and  both  made  an  excellent  record  in  the 
Legislature.  In  two  other  districts,  independent  Demo- 
crats were  nominated  by  the  Good-Government  Club 
organizations,  and  one  of  them  received  nearly  one 
third  of  the  votes  cast,  there  being  two  regular  can- 
didates. 

The  coming  man  must  learn  to  vote  independently 
at  municipal  elections.  He  must  be  taught — and  it  will  ^ 
take  time  to  teach  him — that  he  can  support  the  best 
men  at  city  elections  without  renouncing  his  allegiance 
to  a  national  party.  The  so-called  Good-Government 
Club  movement  will  not  prevent  a  citizen  from  support- 
ing a  partisan  ticket  in  national  and  State  elections. 


SEPARATE  CITY  ELECTIONS.  193 

In  his  Farewell  Address  Washington  said,  "  Let  me 
now  .  .  .  warn  you  in  the  most  solemn  manner  .  .  . 
against  the  baneful  effects  of  the  Spirit  of  Party  gen- 
erally." For  many  years  national  party  lines  have  been 
drawn  in  municipal  elections,  especially  when  national, 
State  and  local  officers  are  chosen  on  the  same  day. 

The  subject  of  separate  municipal  elections  has 
long  been  agitated.  If  distinct  municipal  elections 
were  to  be  established  in  New  York  they  should  be 
held  in  the  spring  and  not  after  the  general  election  for 
President  or  Governor,  because  the  rancors  and  disap- 
pointments of  election  day  would  prevent  many  good 
citizens  from  coming  to  the  polls  in  December  to  vote 
for  city  ofl&cers.  During  the  years  from  1834  to  1849 
the  charter  elections  of  New  York  were  held  in  the 
spring.  From  1850  to  1856  they  were  simultaneous 
with  the  general  election,  and  in  the  period  from  1857 
to  1869  inclusive,  the  city  elections  took  place  in  De- 
cember; but  in  1870  this  was  changed,  and  all  city 
officers  have  since  been  chosen  at  the  general  election 
in  November.  Excepting  New  York,  Brooklyn  and 
Buffalo,  special  charter  elections  are  now  held  in  all 
cities  of  the  State.  Most  of  our  other  large  cities,  ex- 
cept Baltimore,  have  separate  charter  elections. 

The  electors  of  Cleveland,  Ohio,  generally  divide  on 
party  lines,  although  the  city  election  is  held  in  April, 
and  this  is  true  of  the  voters  of  some  other  cities,  but 
Chicago  furnished  an  exception  at  the  mayoralty  elec- 
tion of  1894.  The  main  objection  to  a  special  election 
in  large  cities  is  the  expense.     In  New  York  it  would 


194  ELECTIONS. 

now  cost  about  $400,000.  The  city  election  of  1893  in 
Chicago  cost  $144,494.43. 

In  general,  it  may  be  said  that  the  indifferent  voter 
will  not  cast  his  ballot  to  redeem  a  ring-ridden  city  un- 
til he  learns  that  it  is  cheaper  to  register  and  vote  for 
decent  and  respectable  candidates  than  to  pay  high 
taxes  and  encourage  extortion  and  blackmail  among 
municipal  officers.  The  charter  elections  in  the  cities 
of  Albany,  N.  Y.,  and  Newark,  N.  J.,  in  the  spring  of 
1894,  are  object-lessons,  showing  how  much  independent 
voting  may  do  if  citizens  are  thoroughly  aroused. 

In  the  State  of  New  York  a  patent  voting  machine 
was  used  in  many  towns  in  1892,  1893  and  1894.  I 
witnessed  the  operation  of  this  machine  in  Tonawanda 
in  April,  1893.  The  canvass  was  made  in  thirty-five 
minutes,  whereas,  by  the  old  method,  it  would  have 
taken  fully  four  hours.  The  inspectors  or  judges  of 
election  should  represent  equally  both  political  parties. 
In  some  cities  there  is  a  bipartisan  board  of  two  Demo- 
crats and  two  Kepublicans,  and  it  is  necessary  for  a 
majority  to  decide  a  dispute  or  construction  of  the 
election  laws.  A  municipal  ring  maintains  that  the 
dominant  party  should  control  the  election  machinery 
and  count  the  votes.  Such  a  system  is  simply  disfran- 
chisement of  the  minority  and  encourages  gross  frauds, 
as  shown  in  recent  elections  in  the  State  of  New  York. 
The  true  policy  of  election  laws  is  to  prevent  the  domi- 
nant party  from  obtaining  control  of  the  election  ma- 
chinery, because  this  policy  tends  to  make  parties  or 
factions  self-perpetuating.     They  pass   laws   to   raise 


OFFENDERS  MUST  BE  PUNISHED.  195 

Balaries  and  to  give  enormous  privileges  or  valuable 
franchises  to  their  favorites,  and  like  vultures  feed  upon 
the  carcass  of  the  body  politic.  The  only  argument  in 
favor  of  a  partisan  board  of  three  inspectors  is  econ- 
omy ;  but  it  costs  money  to  execute  the  laws,  and  it  is  a 
good  investment  to  make  a  sufficient  appropriation  for 
the  enforcement  of  the  laws  relating  to  the  elective 
franchise.  Where  the  inspectors  or  judges  of  election 
are  equally  divided  between  tlie  two  principal  parties  it 
is  like  balancing  the  scales  of  justice ;  any  other  policy 
amounts  to  the  suppression  of  the  popular  will,  and  is  a 
menace  to  American  institutions. 

One  of  the  best  methods  of  preventing  election 
frauds  is  to  insist  upon  the  punishment  of  offenders. 
It  is  possible  for  a  Governor  who  has  been  put  into 
office  by  fraudulent  voting,  or  who  wants  something 
more  from  his  party,  to  pardon  the  very  criminals  that 
helped  to  give  him  his  official  position.  This  was 
done  in  New  York  in  1885.  The  defeated  party  is 
generally  discouraged  after  election,  and  they  do  not 
prosecute  the  guilty  persons,  chiefly  on  the  ground  that 
the  fraud  would  not  have  changed  the  result  of  the 
election.  The  same  zeal  that  is  displayed  before  elec- 
tion should  be  continued  after  election,  if  frauds  against 
the  franchise  have  been  committed.  If  citizens  get  dis- 
gusted and  lose  their  civic  pride  on  the  ground  that 
there  is  no  hope,  it  emboldens  the  ring  and  encourages 
the  tricksters  to  commit  even  greater  crimes  at  the  suc- 
ceeding election.  The  political  maxim  that  "  every- 
thing goes  in  politics"  is  a  menace  to  free  and  fair 
14 


196  ELECTIONS. 

elections,  and  the  self-respecting  voter  should  spurn 
and  suppress  this  sentiment. 

The  question  of  citizenship  is  directly  connected 
with  good  city  government.  All  political  parties  take 
advantage  of  loose  and  defective  naturalization  laws, 
and  aliens  from  the  slums  of  great  cities  are  dragged  to 
court  and  naturalized  at  an  alarming  rate.  The  natu- 
ralization laws  of  the  several  States  should  be  amended 
so  as  to  require  a  voter  to  reside  in  the  United  States  at 
least  five  years,  and  to  become  a  citizen  at  least  six 
months,  before  he  is  allowed  to  register  and  vote.  The 
latter  provision  would  prevent  the  unseemly  crowding 
and  rush  that  are  annually  seen  in  the  courts  of  the  city 
of  New  York  from  ten  days  to  a  month  before  elec- 
tion. In  Tweed's  time  it  was  considered  an  atrocious 
crime  for  a  ring  judge  to  naturalize  three  candidates  in 
five  minutes;  but  in  October,  1893,  I  entered  one  of 
the  courts  of  the  city  of  New  York  and  saw  a  judge  ad- 
mit three  applicants  to  citizenship  in  just  three  min- 
utes. The  answers  given  to  questions  on  American 
history  and  geography  were  ludicrous. 

In  cities  containing  a  large  foreign-bom  popula- 
tion the  pernicious  practice  of  "  catering "  to  natural- 
ized voters  has  been  established.  It  is  not  a  parti- 
san question.  All  classes  of  politicians  seek  the  so- 
called  foreign  vote.  In  certain  districts  of  the  city  of 
New  York  it  is  customary  to  nominate  a  German  and 
an  Irishman  for  local  offices,  with  a  view  of  catching 
the  suffrages  of  these  respective  foreign  elements. 
There  is,  of  course,  nothing  objectionable  in  the  mere 


AMERICANISM.  197 

fact  of  nominating  a 'naturalized  citizen  for  a  local 
office.  But  the  practice  of  naming  a  figurehead,  sim- 
ply to  obtain  on  election  day  the  support  of  his  former 
countrymen,  is  vicious  and  insulting  to  their  intelli- 
gence. If  our  fellow-citizens  of  foreign  birth — especially 
those  of  Great  Britain,  France,  Germany  and  Switzer- 
land— would  only  vote  in  this  country  as  they  voted  at 
home,  our  city  governments  would  be  much  better.  I 
mean,  of  course,  that  national  party  lines  should  not  be 
drawn,  and  that  municipal  officers  should  be  chosen  on 
their  merits. 

Here  let  me  add  some  of  the  remarks  of  the  Hon. 
Eichard  Guenther,  of  Wisconsin,  a  naturalized  German : 
"  We  know  as  well  as  any  other  class  of  American  citi- 
zens where  our  duties  belong.  We  will  work  for  our 
country  in  time  of  peace  and  fight  for  it  in  time  of  war 
— if  a  time  of  war  should  ever  come.  When  I  say  our 
country,  I  mean,  of  course,  our  adopted  country.  I 
mean  the  United  States  of  America.  After  passing 
through  the  crucible  of  naturalization,  we  are  no  longer 
Germans,  we  are  Americans.  .  .  .  America  first,  last 
and  all  the  time.  America  against  Germany ;  America 
against  the  world ;  America,  right  or  wrong ;  always 
America.     We  are  Americans." 

The  presidency  and  vice-presidency  of  the  United 
States  are,  I  believe,  the  only  public  offices  to  which 
foreigners  are  not  eligible.  Many  leading  men  in  the 
older  cities  are  of  alien  birth;  but,  unfortunately,  a 
ring-ridden  municipality  mainly  selects  the  worst  ele- 
ments of   the  foreign-born  citizens.     The  better  and 


198  ELECTIONS. 

successful  class  of  aliens  should  be  welcome  to  mu- 
nicipal offices,  especially  if  they  bring  with  them  the 
municipal  non-partisan  idea  of  the  "  old  country."  I 
think  that  Americans  have  inherited  from  Great 
Britain  the  practice  of  corruption  at  the  polls.  In  Ger- 
many there  are  no  laws  for  the  punishment  of  bribery 
at  elections,  for  the  reason  that  this  crime  is  almost  un- 
known. The  poorer  class  of  voters  in  France  are  very 
dignified,  and  they  would  spurn  any  offer  to  purchase 
their  vote.  In  Switzerland  corruption  at  the  polls  is 
very  rare.  Formerly  elections  in  England  were  carni- 
vals of  crime,  but  the  statute  of  1872  brought  about 
monumental  reforms,  and  now  but  little  money  is  used 
corruptly.  Some  States — like  Massachusetts,  New 
York,  California  and  Missouri — have  adopted  corrupt- 
practices  acts,  but  they  are  generally  defective  and  can 
be  evaded  easily.  Let  us  hope  that  an  enlightened 
public  opinion  will  do  much  to  diminish  the  amount  of 
bribery  now  existing,  until  it  is  reduced  to  zero. 

I  recommend  the  educational  qualification  for  voters, 
which  prevails  in  the  States  of  Massachusetts,  Con- 
necticut, Wyoming  and  Mississippi.  It  might  be  ad- 
visable to  omit  the  educational  qualification  in  the 
case  of  voters  born  previous  to  1850,  because  the  older 
class  of  voters  in  remote  country  districts  may  not  have 
received  the  advantages  of  education,  and  it  is  now  too 
late  for  them  to  learn  to  read  and  write.  In  Massa- 
chusetts a  voter  must  be  able  to  read  and  to  write 
his  name.  In  Mississippi  he  must  be  able  to  inter- 
pret the  Constitution   when  it  is    read   to  him.      In 


PLURAL  VOTING.  199 

Georgia  delinquent  taxpayers  are  excluded  from  the 
suffrage. 

In  Newport,  E.  I.,  only  freeholders  are  allowed  to 
vote  on  the  proposition  to  spend  money  for  improve- 
ments. (See  page  150.)  The  New  York  commission 
of  1877  suggested  the  establishment  of  a  small  board 
of  finance,  to  be  selected  by  taxpayers  to  the  amount 
of  1500  each.  (See  page  15.)  This  is  the  system  in 
some  countries  of  Europe,  where  plural  voting  exists 
and  a  property  owner  may  cast  not  exceeding  three 
votes  for  each  elective  officer.  That  is  the  principle  of 
moneyed  corporations  as  applied  to  the  government  of 
municipal  corporations.  This  system  is  so  unpopular 
in  the  United  States  that,  in  the  present  state  of  public 
opinion,  it  is  idle  to  discuss  it.  Plural  voting  on  the 
basis  of  a  property  qualification  never  will  be  adopted, 
but  the  system  prevailing  in  Belgium  is  not  out  of  the 
question  with  us.  There  the  head  of  a  family,  who  has 
reached  the  age  of  thirty-five  years  and  pays  an  annual 
tax  of  at  least  one  dollar  on  his  residence,  may  have  an 
additional  vote.  The  additional  family  vote  at  munici- 
pal elections  should  receive  thorough  discussion  in  the 
United  States.  If  adopted,  it  might  put  an  end  to  the 
constant  agitation  for  woman  suffrage.  Some  prop- 
erty-owning American  women  now  contend  that  "  tax- 
ation without  representation  is  tyranny."  These  well- 
meaning  persons  forget  that  there  are  two  kinds  of 
taxes,  a  money  tax  and  a  service  tax.  The  former  is 
levied  equally  on  the  property  of  men  and  women. 
The  latter  is  levied  on  men  alone.     It  calls  for  jury 


200  ELECTIONS. 

service,  police  service  or  military  service,  and  every 
able-bodied  man  is  liable  to  perform  at  least  one  kind 
of  it.  Political  representation  goes  with  "  service  "  tax- 
ation, and  not  with  the  other.  Both  property  and 
women  are  protected  by  the  Government,  but  property 
without  discrimination  of  ownership  has  no  representa- 
tion. In  other  words,  the  right  of  citizens  to  vote  does 
not  depend  upon  a  property  qualification. 

In  some  of  the  original  States  there  was  a  property 
qualification  for  voters.  It  existed  in  Rhode  Island, 
even  as  late  as  1888. 

Kansas  City,  Mo.,  has  in  its  charter  a  provision  levy- 
ing a  poll-tax  of  $2.50  upon  every  male  resident  of  the 
city  over  the  age  of  twenty-one  years  for  each  year 
in  which  a  general  election  is  held ;  but  if  the  per- 
son so  assessed  shall  vote  at  the  separate  city  election 
held  that  year  he  need  not  pay  the  poll  tax.  This  pro- 
vision was  enacted  for  the  purpose  of  compelling  citi- 
zens to  vote,  and  it  has  thus  far  worked  with  beneficial 
results.  A  test  case  concerning  the  validity  of  the  law 
is  now  (1894)  pending  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
State. 

The  subject  of  compulsory  voting  has  long  been 

^  agitated.     Of  late  years  measures  to  compel  citizens  to 

vote  have  been  introduced  in  a  few  States,  and  in  May, 

1888,  such  a  bill  came  near  passing  the  Massachusetts 

Legislature. 

The  men  who  fail  to  vote  are  often  those  who  are 
loudest  in  their  denunciation  of  the  existing  order  of 
things.     There  are,  of  course,  many  reasons  why  the 


FAILURE  TO  VOTE.  201 

residents  of  cities  d^  not  vote.  Young  citizens  often 
look  upon  election  day  as  a  holiday  and  go  out  of  town. 
In  1890  a  lady  living  on  Long  Island  invited  fifteen 
voters  of  New  York  city  to  spend  election  day  at  her 
residence.  They  accepted  the  hospitality,  and  were  thus 
prevented  from  casting  their  ballots. 

In  France  many  citizens  refrain  from  voting.  Dur- 
ing political  campaigns  it  is  common  to  see  on  walls 
and  fences  posters  urging  electors  to  go  to  the  ballot- 
box — ^^Aux  urnes,pas  d' abstentions  " ;  and  many  French 
residents  of  American  cities  do  not  become  naturalized. 

The  habit  of  electioneering  at  the  polling  places  has 
been  greatly  abused  in  the  United  States.  In  colonial 
times  it  was  customary  to  hold  elections  in  churches. 
The  voter  Avent  forward  and  cast  his  ballot,  and  no  one 
was  allowed  to  speak  to  him.  In  the  State  of  New 
York  it  is  a  misdemeanor  to  electioneer  within  one 
hundred  and  fifty  feet  of  the  polling  place,  but  this 
law  has  been  grossly  violated,  and  in  1893  there  were 
several  arrests  and  convictions  in  the  city  of  New  York 
for  electioneering  at  the  polling  places. 

In  some  cities  of  Germany  voters  are  classified  in 
the  order  of  the  sums  they  pay  for  taxes,  with  the 
largest  taxpayer  heading  the  list.  They  are  then  di- 
vided into  three  classes,  each  of  which  has  paid  a  third 
part  of  the  aggregate  amount.  This  is  out  of  the  ques- 
tion in  the  United  States,  but  there  should  at  least  be 
an  educational  qualification.  An  American  citizen  can 
vote  only  once,  although  he  may  be  a  property-holder 
in  several  States. 


202  ELECTIONS. 

The  vote  cast  at  charter  elections  is  usually  less  than 
that  cast  at  a  State  or  national  election.  The  most  no- 
table example  was  in  the  city  of  New  York  in  1890. 
At  that  time  an  election  was  held  for  Mayor  and  city 
officers  as  well  as  for  members  of  Congress,  but  the  city 
was  gerrymandered  so  that  all  the  members  of  Con- 
gress were  certain  to  belong  to  one  party,  so  it  is  un- 
necessary to  consider  the  Federal  candidates.  Then 
nearly  90,000  citizens  neglected  to  register  and  30,000 
voters  stayed  away  from  the  polls  after  they  had  regis- 
tered. The  issue  was  the  election  of  a  fusion  ticket, 
headed  by  an  independent  Democratic  lawyer  for 
Mayor,  against  Tammany  Hall.  The  latter  organiza- 
tion had  been  thoroughly  exposed  by  the  investigation 
of  a  legislative  committee  earlier  in  the  year.  It  had 
been  truly  charged  that  the  investigation  was  for  par- 
tisan purposes,  but  the  testimony  was  very  damaging  to 
the  faction  in  power.  There  was  a  clearly  defined  issue, 
and  the  ring  candidate  for  Mayor  was  re-elected  by  a 
plurality  of  23,000,  although  he  received  the  votes  of 
about  5,000  less  than  half  of  the  registered  citizens.  So, 
if  it  be  assumed  that  the  electors  who  registered  and 
failed  to  vote  were  anti-Tammany  citizens  they  could 
have  defeated  this  organization  if  all  had  come  to  the 
polls.  The  defeat  was  owing  to  the  apathy  of  the  Re- 
publicans in  refusing  to  vote  together  for  the  candidates 
accepted  by  their  county  convention. 

The  intelligent  citizens  are  the  only  persons  whose 
votes  can  be  cast  to  nullify  those  of  the  ignorant  and 
vicious  electors  and  of  the  selfish  politicians  who  never 


CORRUPTION  IN  TROY.  203 

fail  to  come  to  the  polls.  Let  me  emphasize  the  re- 
marks made  at  the  recent  National  Conference  for  good 
city  government,  held  in  Philadelphia,  that  the  edu- 
cated class  of  voters  or  so-called  better  element  require 
more  attention  than  the  humbler  citizens.  After  the 
defeat  of  the  f usionists  the  voters  took  the.  non- voters 
to  task  and  said,  "  We  can  stand  it  if  you  can."  The 
laissez-faire  method  of  municipal  government  is  lam- 
entable. 

The  alarming  corruption  at  the  polls  that  has  long 
prevailed  in  the  city  of  Troy  was  the  subject  of  discus- 
sion at  recent  meetings  in  the  city  of  New  York.  On 
the  same  evening  lawyers  from  Troy  addressed  the  City 
Club  and  a  Good  -  Government  Club.  The  Union 
League  Club  also  denounced  these  offenses  in  a  series 
of  resolutions. 

A  boss-ruled  police  refused  to  make  arrests  for  false 
registration  (before  election  day)  and  for  illegal  voting. 
These  electoral  crimes  culminated  in  the  murder  of 
one  watcher  for  the  Republican  party  and  in  the  as- 
sault upon  others  at  the  charter  election  of  1894.  The 
chief  offender  was  tried,  convicted  and  sentenced  to  be 
executed  for  murder  in  the  first  degree,  and  his  accom- 
plice was  sentenced  to  imprisonment  for  nineteen  years 
and  six  months;  but  it  should  be  borne  in  mind  that 
these  felons  were  merely  the  tools  of  the  ring  that  has 
long  misruled  the  city.  The  real  criminals  behind  these 
unfortunate  wretches  will  probably  never  be  punished. 

In  1893  the  Mayor  of  Portland,  Me.,  was  counted  in 
by  a  false  canvass  and  refused  to  serve. 


204:  ELECTIONS. 

In  1889  gross  frauds  were  committed  by  the  election 
officers  at  Jersey  City,  N.  J.,  and  a  ballot  box  was  taken 
from  the  polling  place  to  the  house  of  a  candidate  for  a 
high  office  and  the  desired  majority  was  given,  regard- 
less of  the  number  of  votes  cast.  The  result  was  that 
sixty-eight  ballot-box  stuffers  were  sent  to  prison  and 
served  terms  from  eighteen  months  downward. 

The  atrocious  frauds  in  the  village  of  Gravesend  (a 
suburb  of  Brooklyn),  the  conviction  and  imprisonment 
of  John  Y.  McKane  and  a  score  of  his  confederates,  and 
also  the  punishment  of  many  election  officers  in  the  city 
of  New  York,  are  too  well  known  to  American  readers 
to  require  more  than  a  passing  notice. 

In  the  city  of  Cohoes,  N.  Y.,  the  outrageous  inter- 
ference of  the  police  at  the  charter  election  of  1892, 
whereby  the  ballot  boxes  were  seized  and  the  election 
disputed  for  some  time,  may  also  be  mentioned. 

The  last,  but  by  no  means  the  least,  remedy  for  bad 
city  government  is  strict  enforcement  of  the  laws  con- 
cerning the  elective  franchise.  Good  government  rests 
on  good  election  laws  strictly  enforced.  These  laws  are 
more  easily  violated  in  the  city  than  in  the  country,  for 
in  villages  nearly  every  voter  is  known  to  the  election 
officers.  In  cities  the  voters  move  about,  and  many 
newcomers  appear  at  the  place  of  registration.  Advo- 
cates of  honest  elections  should  remember  the  motto, 
"  Eternal  vigilance  is  the  price  of  liberty." 

In  certain  wards  of  many  cities  corruption  has  been 
the  rule  rather  than  the  exception  on  election  day. 
The  statute  provides  for  challengers  and  watchers  to 


FLOATERS  AND  STOVE-SITTERS.  206 

enforce  the  election  laws,  and  it  is  desirable  that  each 
political  party  should  have  at  least  .one  intelligent 
watcher  to  prevent  violations  of  law.  One  good  watcher 
at  the  polls  from  morning  to  night  is  better  than  a 
hundred  stump  speakers  with  brass  bands  and  banners 
to  "  wake  up  "  the  people.  In  order  that  the  regular 
party  watcher  may  not  be  prevented  by  a  mob  of  ward 
"  heelers  "  from  occupying  a  position  where  he  may  see 
the  voting  and  canvassing,  the  names  of  all  duly  ap- 
pointed watchers,  with  their  alternates,  should  be  filed 
at  the  office  of  those  who  sujjervise  or  manage  the  elec- 
tions— in  New  York  M'ith  the  chief  of  the  Bureau  of 
Elections.  Such  a  provision  would  also  prevent  par- 
tisan policemen  from  ejecting  watchers  who  compel  cor- 
rupt or  careless  election  officers  to  obey  the  law. 

The  cheap  lodging  houses  in  large  cities  are  the  prin- 
cipal abodes  of  the  "  floater."  In  New  York  many 
tramps  are  paid  to  register,  but  a  different  set  of  persons 
vote  on  their  names.  In  order  to  obtain  a  list  of  those 
lodgers  who  are  legally  entitled  to  vote,  the  Board  of 
Health  should  compel  the  keepers  of  lodging-houses  to 
file  sworn  we^ekly  returns  of  the  names  and  nominal 
residences  of  the  alleged  "  fioaters  "  and  "  stove-sitters." 
(See  page  179.) 

The  adoption  of  the  so-called  Australian  ballot  laws 
in  the  several  States,  whereby  the  ballots  are  printed 
and  distributed  at  public  expense,  has  diminished  the 
necessity  and  excuse  for  levying  political  "  assess- 
ments," and  has  decreased,  although  not  abolished, 
bribery. 


206  ELECTIONS. 

It  is  difficult  to  calculate  the  proportion  of  venal 
voters  in  a  community.  Prof.  John  J.  McCook,  in  an 
article  in  The  Forum  for  September,  1892,  estimates 
that  sixteen  per  cent  of  the  voters  in  one  part  of  Con- 
necticut sell  their  suffrages.  He  says,  further,  that  in 
one  district  of  a  city,  on  a  certain  street,  forty  per  cent 
were  marked  purchasable. 

In  rural  communities  there  is,  perhaps,  more  bribery 
than  in  cities,  but  other  election  offenses  are  rare.  A 
better  class  of  men  should  be  selected  as  inspectors  of 
elections,  poll  clerks  and  ballot  clerks.  Citizens  who 
object  to  acting  as  jurors  in  the  courts  should  be  an- 
nually reminded  that  in  New  York  election  officers  are 
exempt  from  jury  duty. 

The  election  laws  have  been  boldly  violated  for  many 
years,  and  I  doubt  if  there  will  ever  be  a  fair  election 
and  an  honest  count  in  certain  cities  until  there  is  a 
non-partisan  society  for  the  enforcement  of  election  laws. 
Such  an  organization  is  as  necessary  as  the  Society  for 
the  Prevention  of  Crime,  the  Society  for  the  Prevention 
of  Cruelty  to  Children  or  the  City  Improvement  So- 
ciety. A  society  to  enforce  election  laws  should  have 
counsel  familiar  with  criminal  practice,  and  his  work 
would  be  confined  chiefly  to  false  registration  and  fraud- 
ulent voting.  He  might  even  be  empowered  by  an  act 
of  the  Legislature,  or  by  the  Governor,  to  serve  as  spe- 
cial district  attorney  with  the  grand  jury,  to  prosecute 
those  who  commit  crimes  against  the  elective  franchise. 
Such  a  prosecuting  officer  would  be  free  from  partisan 
prejudices,  and  could  pursue  with  unrelenting  zeal  mem- 


PUBLIC   SENTIMENT  NEEDFUL,  207 

bers  of  all  political  parties,  high  and  low,  who  violate 
the  election  law. 

I  have  suggested  amendments  to  the  statutes  as  a 
remedy  for  existing  evils,  but  I  repeat  that  the  strictest 
laws  will  be  of  little  value  unless  public  sentiment  is 
behind  them. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

THE   EEMEDIES. 

All  cities  should  be  incorporated  under  general 
laws,  with"  an  appropriate  classification  according  to 
population,  and  all  such  general  laws  should  equally 
apply  to  all  cities  of  each  class.  A  municipality  hith- 
erto incorporated  should  become  organized  under  a  gen- 
eral law  whenever  a  majority  of  the  electors  of  such 
city  shall  so  determine.  The  amendment  of  city  char- 
ters by  special  acts,  and  without  the  consent  of  the 
voters  of  the  city,  is,  perhaps,  the  chief  cause  of  bad  local 
government. 

There  should  be  no  evasions  of  the  Constitution  by 
indirect  means,  such  as  are  common  now.  For  ex- 
ample, a  general  law  may  be  passed,  and  then,  for  the 
benefit  of  one  class  of  persons  or  a  corporation,  a  sub- 
sequent statute,  exempting  all  but  one  or  two  counties 
from  the  provisions  of  the  general  law,  is  enacted.  In 
the  Legislature  of  New  York  it  is  common  to  introduce 
a  bill  relating  to  cities  of  over  one  million  inhabitants, 
which,  of  course,  refers  only  to  the  metropolis ;  or  an 
act  affecting  cities  having  a  population  exceeding  500,- 
000,  which  can  include  only  New  York  and  Brooklyn. 

The  alternate  domination  of  one  political  party  over 

(208) 


HOME  RULE.  209 

another  often  leads  to  much  unnecessary  interference 
with  the  government  of  a  municipality,  and  is  subver- 
sive of  the  principle  of  "  home  rule,"  which  is  now  be- 
coming popular  in  the  larger  cities.  Legislative  inter- 
vention could  be  prevented  by  a  constitutional  pro- 
vision that  the  charter  of  a  city  may  be  amended  only 
by  the  electors  of  the  city.  In  some  of  the  Western 
States — Missouri,  California  and  Washington — recent 
laws  have  given  power  to  a  board  of  elective  freeholders 
to  propose  a  city  charter  not  inconsistent  with  the 
Constitution  and  laws,  which  must  be  ratified  by  the 
qualified  voters  at  the  next  election.  (See  pages  24 
and  47.) 

The  electors  of  cities  should  be  allowed  to  make  ex- 
periments. For  instance,  when  the  citizens  of  Oswego, 
N.  Y.,  in  1894  asked  for  permission  to  revise  their  char- 
ter, the  Governor  vetoed  the  bill  on  the  ground  that 
"  it  proposes  to  substitute  aristocracy  for  democracy, 
and  is  English  rather  than  American."  (See  Senate 
bills,  Nos.  170-524.)  It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  in 
some  of  our  rapidly  growing  cities  the  government  can 
be  improved  only  b)&  experimental  laws.  Too  many 
mandatory  laws  are  enacted  by  the  Legislatures.  The 
State  should  authorize  and  empower  municipal  authori- 
ties generally  to  act  in  their  discretion.  The  words 
"  with  the  consent  and  approval  of  the  Board  of  Esti- 
mate and  Apportionment "  are  sometimes  inserted  in 
acts  affecting  the  city  of  New  York.     (See  page  11.) 

I  advise  "proportionate  representation,"  on  the 
ground  that  the  anti-ring  citizens  should  always  have 


210  THE  REMEDIES. 

representation  in  the  City  Council.  With  this  system  in 
a  gerrymandered  city  the  "boss"  could  not  choose  a 
large  majority  of  the  members  of  the  Board  of  Alder- 
men before  election.  It  would  then  be  safe  to  increase 
the  power  of  the  Municipal  Councils  by  providing  that 
all  laws  should  be  confirmed  by  them.     (See  page  47.) 

The  most  conspicuous  example  of  the  disfranchise- 
ment of  the  opponents  of  ring  rule  is  now  shown  in  the 
city  of  New  York.  In  1892  the  so-called  stolen  Legis- 
lature enacted  a  law  to  reapportion  the  State.  The 
metropolis  was  gerrymandered,  and  every  one  of  the 
thirty  members  of  the  Board  of  Aldermen  is  a  repre- 
sentative of  Tammany  Hall.  At  the  general  election 
of  November,  1892,  the  following  vote  was  cast :  Dem- 
ocratic, 175,267;  Republican,  98,967;  Labor,  5,945; 
People's,  2,366,  and  Prohibition,  2,439.  If  proportion- 
ate representation  had  then  existed  (such  as  is  now 
the  law  in  Denmark,  Switzerland  and  Illinois)  the 
Democrats  would  have  had  nineteen  members  and  the 
Republicans  eleven.  All  the  Democrats  were  members 
of  Tammany  Hall,  although  there  were  then  two  other 
Democratic  factions  in  the  city.  It  will  be  seen  that 
Tammany  was  not  entitled  even  to  two  thirds  of  the 
Council — that  is,  enough  members  to  override  the  veto 
of  the  Mayor. 

The  method  of  computing  proportionate  represen- 
tation is  to  divide  the  total  number  of  votes  by  the 
number  of  candidates,  so  as  to  get  the  average  vote  for 
each  candidate ;  then  divide  the  vote  of  each  political 
party  or  faction  by  the  electoral  quotient,  which  will 


COURAGEOUS  OFFICERS  REQUISITE.  211 

give  the  number  of  members  to  which  each  faction  is 
entitled. 

The  Aldermen  or  City  Councilors  should  be  elected 
for  the  term  of  three  years,  and  one  third  of  all  the 
members  should  go  out  of  office  every  year.  The  sys- 
tem of  retiring  one  third  of  the  City  Council  every 
three  years  allows  some  continuity  in  the  policy  of  the 
local  authorities.     (See  pages  40-42,  44.) 

I  wish  to  emphasize  the  fact  that  the  chief  remedy 
lies  in  the  improvement  of  the  men  who  execute  the 
laws  rather  than  in  the  laws  themselves.  Great  power 
and  responsibility  should  vest  in  the  same  official.  Out 
of  the  four  hundred  and  fifty  cities  having  a  population 
of  eight  thousand  and  upward,  there  are  very  few,  if 
any,  that  are  governed  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  resi- 
dents. Under  the  new  Bullitt  charter  the  form  of  the 
city  government  of  Philadelphia  is  perfect,  yet  the  men 
now  (1894)  in  office  are  not  satisfactory. 

The  best  citizens  should  be  selected  for  municipal 
office  regardless  of  their  place  of  birth,  religion,  prop- 
erty or  views  on  national  questions.  It  is  very  desir- 
able to  have  courageous  officers  in  the  executive  de-. 
partments.  For  example,  the  Governor  of  a  State  or 
the  Mayor  of  a  city  may  refuse  to  suppress  a  riot  for 
fear  of  losing  votes  for  the  party  to  which  he  belongs 
and  thus  permit  valuable  property  to  be  destroyed.  In 
many  of  the  well-governed  cities  of  Europe  college  pro- 
fessors hold  office  either  as  Mayors  or  Aldermen. 

The  salaries  of  the  heads  of  departments  should  be 

sufficient  to  induce  competent  men  to  seek  such  places. 
15 


212  THE  REMEDIES. 

Eetired  merchants  or  lawyers  could  conduct  a  depart- 
ment upon  business  principles.  Of  the  men  now  in  the 
control  of  American  cities  many  never  have  been  able  to 
succeed  in  private  life ;  others  have  been  conspicuous 
either  as  keepers  of  liquor  saloons  or  as  violators  of 
law.     (See  pages  10,  50,  75,  84,  91.) 

Then  the  terms  of  office  should  be  long,  or  at  least, 
if  the  term  be  from  five  to  ten  years,  it  should  be  un- 
derstood that  a  faithful  officer  shall  be  allowed  to  con- 
tinue during  good  behavior.  For  many  years  the  judges 
of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State  of  New  York  have 
been  elected  for  fourteen  years.  The  result  is  that  they 
are  an  independent  class  of  men. 

All  municipal  officers  should  receive  an  annual  salary, 
which  should  neither  be  increased  nor  decreased  during 
their  term  of  office,  and  which  should  be  in  lieu  of  all 
fees  and  perquisites. 

For  the  government  of  each  department  I  recom- 
mend a  single  commissioner  with  one  deputy,  except  in 
the  Board  or  Bureau  of  Elections.  (See  page  76.)  The 
Philadelphia  plan  of  requiring  the  heads  of  the  munici- 
pal departments  to  give  ample  bonds  for  the  faithful 
performance  of  their  duties  is  worthy  of  adoption  in 
all  cities. 

Laws  should  be  strictly  enforced.  Statutes  that  are 
not  executed  are  worse  than  no  statutes  at  all.  The 
non-enforcement  makes  a  very  unfavorable  impression 
upon  citizens  of  foreign  birth.  When  they  see  certain 
classes  of  laws  uniformly  disregarded  in  a  community, 
they  lose  respect  not  only  for  the  law,  but  for  the  law- 


CIVIL-SERVICE  LAWS.  213 

and  ordinance-making  bodies  of  the  State  and  the  city. 
For  example,  in  the  city  of  New  York,  where  nearly 
half  of  the  population  is  of  foreign  birth,  the  excise 
laws  are  not  enforced  because  they  are  not  sustained  by 
public  sentiment.  The  result  is  widespread  corruption 
in  the  police  force.     (See  pages  90-91.) 

In  the  cities  of  New  York  State  the  civil-service 
laws  are  constantly  violated.  If  these  laws  were  faith- 
fully enforced,  public  servants  would  remain  in  office, 
and  the  theory  that  "  a  due  participation  of  office  is  a 
matter  of  right "  would  be  forgotten  as  a  delusion  of  the 
early  days  of  the  republic. 

A  corrupt  "boss"  and  ring  fear  publicity.  Many 
unworthy  city  officers  are  elected,  or  allowed  to  continue 
in  office,  through  gross  ignorance  of  the  public  concern- 
ing their  true  character.  Some  cities  have  a  com- 
mittee of  a  hundred  or  of  fifty,  and  such  committees 
would  do  well  to  scrutinize  the  records  of  all  candidates 
for  elective  offices  and  publish  campaign  biographies. 
Exposures  in  the  press  or  in  circulars  are  better  than 
addresses  at  public  meetings.  Such  questions  as  "  How 
often  have  you  been  arrested  ?  "  "  How  many  men  have 
you  shot  ? "  "  Who  are  your  partners  in  the  saloon 
or  dive-keeping  business  ?  "  addressed  to  a  candidate, 
would  be  useful  in  municipal  contests.  The  City  Re- 
form Club  of  New  York  publishes  annually  very  severe 
strictures  on  the  character  of  members  of  the  Legis- 
lature.    (See  pages  9-10.) 

In  Massachusetts  the  teachers  of  the  public  schools 
are  required  to  instruct  the  pupils  in  the  principles  of 


214:  THE  REMEDIES. 

temperance  in  the  use  of  liquor.  It  is  equally  impor- 
tant to  teach  the  rising  generation  the  duty  of  citizens 
in  regard  to  election  laws.  It  is  not  alone  necessary  to 
prepare  the  children  of  American  homes  for  citizenship ; 
we  should  also  instill  the  principles  of  our  government 
into  the  minds  of  those  children  whose  parents  were 
born  in  foreign  lands.  It  is  a  remarkable  fact,  that  the 
naturalized  citizens  and  their  children,  who  use  the  free 
circulating  libraries  of  the  city  of  New  York  are  eager 
to  read  American  history  and  books  that  explain  the 
working  of  our  institutions. 

The  subject  of  political  economy  is  taught  in  all 
American  high  schools  and  universities.  It  is  chiefly 
confined  to  the  principles  of  national  and  State  govern- 
ment. It  is  desirable  that  municipal  government 
should  in  future  receive  quite  as  much  attention  as  has 
been  devoted  heretofore  to  the  subjects  of  the  currency, 
the  tariff  or  immigration.  Civic  science  thus  far  has 
received  but  little  attention,  except  in  Johns  Hopkins 
University  at  Baltimore,  and  in  the  Wharton  School  of 
Finance  and  Economy  in  Philadelphia. 

Some  of  the  older  cities  are  at  the  mercy  of  corpora- 
tions, which  own  the  waterworks,  street  railroads,  gas- 
works, etc.,  and  that  were  virtually  granted  exclusive 
franchises  in  the  infancy  of  these  municipalities.  New 
and  rapidly  growing  cities  should  learn  a  lesson  from 
the  narrow-minded  policy  of  many  cities  in  the  Eastern 
and  Middle  States.  They  should  demand  a  fair  return 
for  all  franchises  to  mere  villages,  or,  if  the  city  is  not 
cursed  by  a  corrupt  ring,  the  principle  of  the  munici- 


INDICTMENTS  OF  CITY  OFFICERS.  215 

palization  of  public  works  should  be  carried  out  so  far 
as  is  consistent  with  economy  and  the  wishes  of  the  tax- 
payers. The  Bostonian  system  of  registration  of  labor- 
ers is  worthy  of  adoption  in  all  cities. 

As  I  write,  municipal  officers  of  all  grades  in  many 
of  the  large  cities  are  now  under  indictment,  and  many 
more  would  be  added  to  the  list  if  it  were  not  for  cor- 
rupt police  magistrates,  packed  grand  Juries  and  negli- 
gent district  attorneys. 

It  should  be  the  duty  of  all  city  reform  associations 
and  good-government  clubs  to  scrutinize  the  character 
of  the  men  on  the  grand  jury.  Where  criminals  or 
their  known  sympathizers  are  placed  upon  the  list, 
reputable  citizens  should  arise  in  their  might  and  de- 
mand that  the  objectionable  names  be  stricken  off. 
The  reader  will  remember  that  a  grand  jury  represents 
a  county.  Still  in  the  larger  cities  the  county  is  nearly 
the  same  as  the  city.  In  New  York  and  Philadelphia 
it  is  identical.  Chicago  and  Brooklyn  almost  absorb 
the  counties  in  which  they  lie. 

It  is  much  easier  to  reform  the  government  of  the 
city  than  that  of  the  State  or  the  nation,  for  it  is  less 
difficult  to  influence  a  Mayor  and  Board  of  Aldermen 
than  a  President  and  two  Houses  of  Congress.  While  I 
do  not  wish  to  raise  the  tariff  issue,  yet  I  submit  that 
the  dwellers  in  cities  can  easily  live  under  a  low  or  a 
high  tariff,  and  the  subject  of  good  city  government  is 
more  important  to  them  than  Federal  legislation.  The 
urban  population  has  a  much  deeper  interest  in  clean, 
well-lighted  and  well-paved  streets,  efficient  police  and 


216  THE  REMEDIES. 

fire  departments,  an  abundant  water  supply,  sufficient 
public  school  and  public  park  accommodations,  than 
in  tariff  reform.  The  citizen  does  not  always  feel  the 
effect  of  a  Federal  statute,  but  municipal  law  and  ordi- 
nances touch  him  daily. 

Where  a  city  is  governed  from  the  State  capital  the 
citizens  should  organize  a  committee  or  association  to 
watch  legislation.  Some  financial  and  commercial  bod- 
ies detail  a  committee  or  an  attorney  to  watch  their  in- 
terests, but  the  weak  point  is  that  they  need  concen- 
trated action ;  and  unwise  laws  are  made  on  account 
of  the  weakness  and  lack  of  organization  of  the  prop- 
erty-holders rather  than  by  the  strength  of  the  selfish 
or  corrupt  men  in  the  Legislature.  One  sincere  and 
intelligent  citizen  may  make  his  influence  felt  more 
easily  in  a  Legislature  or  Common  Council  than  in 
either  House  of  Congress. 

The  average  American  is  too  patient  and  long- 
suffering.  He  endures  municipal  abuses  of  all  kinds. 
In  the  language  of  the  day,  he  does  not  "  kick  "  enough, 
and  he  should  learn  a  lesson  from  his  English  cousins. 
The  great  superiority  of  the  rulers  of  English  cities  over 
those  in  the  New  "World  can,  to  some  extent,  be  traced 
to  the  everlasting  tendency  of  the  Briton  to  complain 
and  insist  upon  his  right  to  good  government,  even  in 
trifling  matters. 

The  facility  with  which  a  bad  bill  is  passed  by  the 
average  Legislature  is  appalling.  The  power  of  public 
opinion  was  forcibly  shown  in  the  repeal  of  the  Central 
Park  Speedway  law  of  1892,  as  I  explain  on  page  57. 


POWER  OF  PUBLIC  OPINION.  217 

A  stronger  illustration  of  the  force  of  enlightened  pub- 
lic sentiment  may  be  taken  from  the  Pennsylvania 
Legislature  of  1872.  In  that  year  it  passed  an  act  to 
incorporate  the  South  Improvement  Company.  It  was 
a  very  broad  franchise,  authorizing  the  corporation  to 
do  any  form  of  business  except  banking.  Under  this 
charter  the  Standard  Oil  Company  was  organized. 
The  law  was  very  injurious  to  the  people  of  the  oil 
regions,  and  accordingly  a  committee  of  citizens  was 
appointed  at  Titusville  to  visit  Harrisburg  (the  capital) 
and  insist  upon  its  repeal ;  but  the  members  of  the 
Legislature  indignantly  refused  to  receive  them.  They 
returned  and  reported  this  fact  to  their  constituents, 
and  a  much  larger  committee  was  selected  to  revisit  the 
capital,  but  they  received  like  treatment.  Meanwhile, 
mass  meetings  were  organized  at  various  points  in  the 
oil  regions,  and  then  a  committee  of  one  thousand  citi- 
zens went  to  Harrisburg  and  demanded  the  instanta- 
neous repeal  of  this  act,  and  it  was  promptly  repealed. 
A  member  of  that  Legislature  says  that  in  his  three 
years'  experience  he  never  had  seen  it  free  from  "  ma- 
chine "  rule,  except  from  the  time  that  the  committee 
of  one  thousand  appeared  until  the  close  of  the  session. 
Then  the  legitimate  petitions  of  the  people  of  the  State 
were  received  with  profound  respect.. 

In  many  of  the  States  the  people  have  voted  for  bi- 
ennial sessions  of  the  Legislature,  thus  abdicating  much 
of  their  own  authority  and  relegating  government  to 
executive  officers.  No  session  should  be  extended  be- 
yond the  year  in  which  the  Legislature  is  convened. 


218  THE  REMEDIES. 

The  constitutional  provision  of  some  States  per- 
mitting cities  to  incur  a  total  debt  not  exceeding  a  cer- 
tain percentage  of  the  assessed  valuation  of  the  real 
estate  is  of  doubtful  wisdom.  (See  page  169.)  In  the 
Western  States,  where  towns  grow  up  rapidly,  it  is  im- 
possible to  foresee  the  needs  of  the  future  cities,  and 
therefore  a  constitutional  prohibition  against  the  incur- 
ring of  debt  is  unwise.  The  indebtedness  should  be 
increased  with  the  consent  of  the  taxpayers. 

The  cities  of  Chicago  and  Buffalo  seem  to  be  our 
most  rapidly  growing  municipalities,  and  yet  in  each 
State  (Illinois  and  New  York)  they  are  prevented  by 
the  Constitution  from  running  in  debt  over  a  certain 
amount. 

City  government  is  constantly  changing  in  the 
United  States,  and  the  present  evils  may  disappear. 
Municipal  officers  can  do  little  more  than  respect  the 
wishes  of  the  bulk  of  the  voters.  The  destiny  of  the 
cities  is  in  the  hands  of  the  men  and  women  who 
establish  a  moral  standard,  to  which  the  worst  officials 
must  conform.  They  are  the  real  politicians,  rather 
than  those  who  hold  office. 

The  tendency  of  municipal  governments  in  the 
United  States  is  downward,  and  when  they  reach  the 
lowest  depths  of  degradation,  the  citizens  rise  in  their 
might  and  defeat  their  persecutors  and  plunderers. 
When  citizens  are  regularly  warned  in  political  cam- 
paigns to  overthrow  the  political  despotism  that  op- 
presses them,  and  when  they  uniformly  disregard  the 
warnings  of  competent  persons  and  vote  for  municipal 


"THE  MOBS  OF  GREAT  CITIES."  219 

officers  on  national  party  lines,  these  electors  have  as 
good  a  city  government  as  they  deserve. 

The  American  people  are  patient,  practical  and  pa- 
triotic. The  national  Government  is  satisfactory.  The 
several  States  are  fairly  well  governed,  except  in  the 
Legislatures,  and  even  in  the  legislative  bodies  of  the 
Commonwealth  corrupt  members  are  generally  in  the 
minority.  It  seems  strange,  with  popular  education  so 
widely  diffused,  with  no  large  standing  army  to  eat  up 
the  substance  of  the  people,  and  with  neither  compul- 
sory military  nor  naval  service,  that  the  American  peo- 
ple should  so  overlook  the  principles  of  correct  munici- 
pal government,  that  it  is  the  universal  testimony  of 
competent  critics,  both  at  home  and  abroad,  that  city 
government  in  the  United  States  is  the  one  conspicuous 
failure. 

Jefferson  said,  "  The  mobs  of  great  cities  add  just 
so  much  to  the  support  of  pure  government  as  sores  do 
to  the  strength  of  the  human  body."  Let  us  hope  that 
good  Americans  will  at  once  set  about  to  heal  these 
sores.  In  several  cities  the  sores  are  beginning  to  heal, 
and  the  process  must  go  on.  Good  citizens,  who  are 
in  the  large  majority,  should  vote  together,  but  this  is 
more  easily  said  than  done.  The  moment  the  American 
people  realize  the  dangerous  and  downward  tendencies 
of  the  city  governments  they  will  vote  together.  They 
may  not  always  succeed  in  their  first  efforts,  but  if  the 
respectable  electors  of  any  city  will  persevere,  they  are 
certain  to  succeed  in  spite  of  colossal  crimes  at  the  bal- 
lot box  and  a  boss-ridden  police  obeying  the  orders  of 


220  THE  REMEDIES. 

the  venal  ring.  Progress  should  be  made  not  impul- 
sively, but  steadily  and  mindful  of  the  interests  of  the 
great  bulk  of  the  people. 

Now  that  nearly  thirty  years  have  passed  since  the 
conclusion  of  the  civil  war,  it  seems  singular  that  the 
American  people  could  not  have  displayed  more  ability 
in  the  government  of  their  cities.  The  rule  of  the  mu- 
nicipal "  boss  "  and  ring  is  far  different  from  a  govern- 
ment "  of  the  people,  for  the  people  and  by  the  people." 
Those  who  believe  in  a  free  government  should  at  once 
unite  to  abolish  ring  rule  and  its  kindred  abuses.  The 
government  of  the  people  should  be  restored  in  its  en- 
tirety to  our  cities.  Thus  would  a  new  impetus  be  given 
to  the  cause  of  good  municipal  government  throughout 
the  New  World,  and  it  will  then  be  an  honor  to  be  an 
American  citizen. 

Great  cities  are  the  danger-points  of  our  national 
life,  and  hence  municipal  government  is  best  worthy 
of  the  careful  thought  of  our  citizens.  Underneath  all 
remedies  that  may  be  suggested  for  the  better  govern- 
ment of  municipalities  is  the  inculcation  of  the  doc- 
trine that  they  must  be  ruled  on  sound  business  prin- 
ciples, and  that  the  questions  of  policy  that  divide  the 
best  men  in  national  politics  have  no  place  in  the  choice 
of  municipal  officers. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

THE  GEEATER  KEW  YORK  CHARTER. 

At  the  general  election  in  November,  1894,  the  ques- 
tion of  the  consolidation  of  the  cities  of  New  York, 
Brooklyn,  Long  Island  City,  and  the  towns  and  villages 
contiguous  to  the  same,  and  the  county  of  Richmond, 
was,  by  the  provisions  of  chapter  64  of  the  laws  of 
1894,  submitted  to  the  voters  of  this  territory.  The  re- 
sult of  the  referendum  was  in  favor  of  consolidation. 

The  bill  creating  a  commission  to  frame  a  charter 
for  the  Greater  New  York  failed  to  pass  the  Legislature 
in  1895,  but  in  the  following  year  this  bill  was  passed  by 
the  Legislature  and  signed  by  the  Governor,  notwith- 
standing the  vetoes  of  the  Mayors  of  New  York  and 
Brooklyn,  and  it  became  chapter  488  of  the  laws  of 
1896.  The  Governor  appointed,  on  June  9,  1896,  a 
commission  to  frame  the  proposed  charter,  and  in  the 
following  December  a  draft  of  the  charter  was  pub- 
lished. After  public  hearings,  the  commission  amended 
and  revised  the  draft  and  submitted  the  same  to  the 
Legislature  in  February,  1897.  The  bill  containing  the 
proposed  charter  was  passed  and  submitted  to  the  local 
authorities.  It  was  returned  to  the  Legislature,  ac- 
cepted by  the  Mayor  of  Brooklyn  and  the  Mayor  and 

221 


222    THE  GREATER  NEW  YORK  CHARTER. 

Common  Council  of  Long  Island  City,  but  without  the 
acceptance  of  the  Mayor  of  New  York.  The  Legisla- 
ture then  repassed  the  bill  over  the  veto  of  the  Mayor 
of  New  York,  and  it  became  a  law  (chapter  378),  with 
the  approval  of  the  Governor,  on  May  4,  1897. 

The  Greater  New  York  Charter  is  entitled  "  An  Act 
to  unite  into  one  municipality,  under  the  corporate 
name  of  the  City  of  New  York,  the  various  communities 
lying  in  and  about  New  York  Harbor,  including  the  city 
and  county  of  New  York,  the  city  of  Brooklyn  and  the 
county  of  Kings,  the  county  of  Richmond,  and  part  of 
the  county  of  Queens,  and  to  provide  for  the  govern- 
ment thereof." 

The  total  area  of  this  territory  is  360  square  miles, 
and  it  has  nearly  3,000,000  inhabitants,  or  about  one 
half  of  the  population  of  the  State  of  New  York.  It 
pays  about  sixty  per  cent  of  the  State  tax.  The  Greater 
New  York  is  divided  into  five  boroughs,  namely,  Man- 
hattan, the  Bronx,  Brooklyn,  Queens,  and  Richmond ; 
and  the  municipal  officers  who  shall  be  hereafter  elect- 
ed at  large  are  the  Mayor,  Comptroller,  and  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  Council. 

The  charter  consists  of  about  250,000  words — i.  e.,  it 
is  nearly  five  times  the  size  of  this  volume.  I  have 
space  only  to  describe  the  main  features  of  it,  and 
to  state  wherein  the  new  charter  differs  from  the 
present  charter.  The  Greater  New  York  Charter  is 
largely  a  re-enactment  of  the  New  York  City  Consoli- 
dation Act  of  1882,  and  it  contains  many  features  of 
the  Brooklyn  charter  of  1880,  as  well  as  some  provisions 


CHARTER  MAY  BE  AMENDED.  223 

of  the  charter  of  the  city  of  St.  Louis.  There  is  now  a 
great  national  interest  in  this  vast  municipal  experi- 
ment ;  and  its  success  or  failure  will  largely  influence 
municipal  reform  in  other  cities.  Although  the  Con- 
stitutional Convention  of  1894  declared  for  the  sepa- 
ration of  national  and  municipal  affairs,  the  effort  to 
enforce  this  declaration  meets  with  serious  opposition. 
It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  the  charter  system  in  the 
State  of  New  York  lacks  uniformity.  In  1897  a  pro- 
posed charter  for  cities  of  the  second  class,  which  was 
carefully  prepared  by  a  commission,  passed  the  Legisla- 
ture, but  was  vetoed  by  the  Governor.  It  contained 
many  excellent  features  and  closely  resembled  the 
Greater  New  York  Charter,  and  yet  the  Governor  who 
signed  the  latter  would  not  approve  the  former. 

The  Legislature  may  at  any  time  amend  the  charter, 
and  it  is  believed  that  the  constant  interference  of  the 
Legislature  with  the  government  of  the  city  of  New 
York  will  continue  until  such  a  strong  public  opinion 
asserts  itself  that  the  local  authorities  of  the  great  city 
will  be  allowed  to  work  out  their  own  municipal  des- 
tiny. 

There  are  many  sections  of  the  new  charter  that 
declare  in  general  terms  that  the  numerous  existing 
laws  are  to  continue  in  force  so  far  as  they  are  "  not  in- 
consistent with  the  provisions  of  the  charter."  These 
provisos  are  liable  to  produce  confusion,  and  the  oppo- 
nents of  the  charter  predict  that  the  time  of  the  courts 
will  be  occupied  for  many  years  in  the  construction  of 
this  document. 


224    '-L'HE  GREATER  NEW  YORK  CHARTER. 

The  conspicuous  features  of  the  new  charter  are  the 
borough  system,  with  its  twenty-two  local  boards,  one 
for  each  senatorial  district,  and  composed  of  the  local 
members  of  the  Municipal  Assembly,  who  are  vested 
with  power  to  initiate  local  improvements ;  the  bicam- 
eral Municipal  Assembly ;  the  extension  of  the  Mayor's 
term,  and  the  patronage  of  his  office  vastly  increased ; 
the  Board  of  Public  Improvements,  with  six  independ- 
ent single-headed  departments ;  six  Art  Commission- 
ers; a  Bureau  of  Municipal  Statistics;  and  the  reor- 
ganization of  the  Sinking  Fund  Commission  without 
the  Recorder. 

The  establishment  of  the  borough  system,  with  its 
boards  of  local  improvements,  is  a  recognition  of  the 
doctrine  of  home  rule,  and  the  practical  working  of  this 
plan  will  be  watched  with  interest. 

The  most  radical  change  in  the  new  charter  is  in 
Chapter  II,  known  as  "The  Legislative  Department." 
Instead  of  a  single  board  of  thirty-five  aldermen,  cho- 
sen from  as  many  assembly  districts,  the  city  of  New 
York  will  now  have,  under  section  17,  a  Municipal 
Assembly  consisting  "of  two  houses,  to  be  known  re- 
spectively as  the  Council  and  the  Board  of  Alder- 
men." The  Council  consists  of  twenty-nine  mem- 
bers, including  the  President,  who,  as  already  stated,  is  , 
chosen  on  a  general  ticket,  at  the  same  time,  and  for 
the  same  term,  as  the  Mayor.  His  powers  are  similar 
to  those  now  belonging  to  the  President  of  the  Board 
of  Aldermen  of  the  city  of  New  York — that  is,  he  is  a 
member  of  the  several  executive  boards,  and  he  -is  sub- 


COUNCIL  AND  ALDERMANIC  DISTRICTS.      225 

stituted  for  the  Eecorder  on  the  Board  of  Commission- 
ers of  the  Sinking  Fund.  The  salary  of  the  President  is 
raised  from  three  thousand  dollars  to  five  thousand  dol- 
lars, and  the  other  twenty-eight  members  of  the  Council 
receive  a  salary  of  fifteen  hundred  dollars,  or  five  hun- 
dred dollars  less  than  the  salary  of  an  alderman  in  the 
present  city  of  New  York. 

There  are  ten  Council  districts,  with  an  average 
population  of  350,000,  one  half  of  which  are  in  the 
present  city  of  New  York,  three  lie  within  the  city  of 
Brooklyn,  one  is  in  that  part  of  Queens  County  in- 
cluded in  the  act,  and  the  last  in  the  county  of  Kich- 
mond.  Thi'ee  members  of  the  Council  are  to  be  elected 
from  each  of  the  firsb  eight  Council  districts,  and  two 
members  from  each  of  the  districts  in  the  counties  of 
Queens  and  Eichmond.  The  term  of  ofl&ce  of  the 
members  of  the  Council  is  four  years.  Unlike  the  pro- 
visions of  the  old  charter,  every  ex-Mayor  of  the  Greater 
New  York,  so  long  as  he  remains  a  resident  of  such 
city,  is  entitled  to  a  seat  in  the  Council,  and  to  take 
part  in  the  debates,  but  he  cannot  vote.  The  President 
of  the  Council  acts  as  Mayor  whenever  the  latter  is  una- 
ble to  serve  by  reason  of  illness  or  absence  from  the  city. 

The  lower  house,  or  Board  of  Aldermen,  consists  of 
60  members  elected  from  the  present  assembly  dis- 
tricts in  Greater  New  York,  which  contain  about 
50,000  inhabitants.  The  term  of  office,  as  in  the 
present  Board  of  Aldermen,  is  two  years,  and  the  salary 
is  reduced  from  two  thousand  dollars  to  one  thousand 
dollars. 


226    THE  GREATER  NEW  YORK  CHARTER. 

The  Board  of  Aldermen  shall  by  roll-call  choose  a 
President  from  its  own  members ;  and  the  Council  ap- 
points a  clerk,  who  is  also  the  City  Clerk,  and  who 
holds  office  for  six  years,  with  a  salary  of  seven  thousand 
dollars.  The  salary  of  the  Clerk  of  the  present  Board 
of  Aldermen  is  five  thousand  dollars. 

The  section  concerning  the  vote  required  to  pass  an 
ordinance  or  resolution  is  the  same  as  in  the  old  charter, 
except  that,  in  passing  a  measure  over  the  Mayor's  veto, 
a  vote  of  Jive  sixths  of  all  the  members  of  each  house  is 
necessary  in  case  it  involves  "  the  expenditure  of  money, 
the  creation  of  a  debt,  the  laying  of  an  assessment,  or 
the  granting  of  a  franchise." 

The  powers  of  the  Municipal  Assembly  are  some- 
what enlarged — i.  e.,  besides  having  the  general  care  of 
the  streets,  the  city  Legislature  has  power  to  construct 
and  acquire  waterworks,  and  to  regulate  and  restrict 
the  height  of  buildings  to  be  hereafter  erected  in  the 
city,  and  to  appoint  a  special  committee  to  enforce  the 
laws  and  ordinances  of  the  city,  and  also  "  to  examine 
and  report  whether  there  are  any  unnecessary,  inef- 
ficient, or  unfit  employees,  any  excess  of  salaries  or 
compensation  paid,  and  generally  in  respect  of  any  and 
all  matters  which  will  conduce  to  the  orderly  and  eco- 
nomical administration  of  the  affairs  of  the  city  govern- 
ment or  any  department  thereof." 

The  last  provision  is  excellent.  It  will  tend  to  pre- 
vent the  appointment  of  committees  of  the  State  Legis- 
lature to  visit  New  York  to  make  investigations,  which 
are  oftentimes  used  only  for  partisan  purposes. 


THE  LEGISLATIVE  DEPARTMENT.  22Y 

The  most  important  amendment  of  the  legislative 
department  of  the  new  charter  is  section  47,  which 
limits  the  power  of  the  Municipal  Assembly  to  make, 
amend,  or  repeal  ordinances  concerning  the  Health, 
Police,  Park,  Fire,  and  Building  Departments,  "except 
so  far  as  the  legislative  power  respecting  the  Health, 
Police,  Park,  Fire,  and  Building  Departments  shall  be 
conferred  upon  said  departments  respectively  by  the  pro- 
visions of  this  act,  and  except  that  any  modification  of 
the  existing  rules,  regulations,  and  ordinances  affecting 
any  of  the  departments,  and  all  ordinances  to  be  passed 
to  govern  the  Board  of  Public  Improvements  or  any  of 
the  departments  thereof,  must  originate  with  the  de- 
partment concerned,  or  with  said  board,  and  must  be 
adopted  or  rejected  by  the  Municipal  Assembly  without 
amendment." 

This  section  is  an  incongruity  which  may  prove 
serious,  for  a  few  members  might  block  the  passage  of 
any  department  plan  at  any  time.  Under  it  the  Mu- 
nicipal Assembly  has  a  quasi-con^rming  power  similar 
to  the  power  of  confirmation  of  the  appointments  of 
the  Mayor  which  was  taken  from  the  aldermen  by  the 
act  of  1884. 

Under  the  new  charter  the  salaries  of  all  county 
officers  in  the  counties  of  New  York,  Kings,  and  Rich- 
mond shall,  unless  otherwise  provided  for  by  law,  be 
fixed  by  the  Board  of  Estimate  and  Apportionment, 
subject  to  the  approval  of  the  Municipal  Assembly. 
The  opponents  of  the  charter  urge  that  the  city  Legis- 
lature should  consist  of  only  one  chamber  instead  of 
16 


228    THE  GREATER  NEW  YORK  CHARTER. 

two,  and  that  some  of  the  members  should  be  elected  at 
large  with  minority  representetion,  and  some  by  wards. 
(See  pages  45-47.)  It  was  also  suggested  that  the  term 
of  members  sliould  be  six  years,  and  that  one  third 
of  the  members  should  be  elected  at  each  biennial 
municipal  election,  but  the  Charter  Commission  declined 
to  accept  these  suggestions.  It  should  be  stated  that 
the  tendency  of  municipal  reform  is  in  the  direction  of 
a  single  legislative  department. 

In  Portland,  Maine,  a  proposed  charter  providing 
for  a  single  municipal  chamber  was  submitted  to  the 
people  in  May,  1897,  but  it  was  defeated,  and  the  gov-  ■ 
ernment  of  the  city  remains  as  before — i.  e.,  in  the  hands 
of  two  boards,  seven  aldermen  and  twenty-one  council- 
men.  At  the  State  election  in  November  an  act  is  to  be 
submitted  for  the  acceptance  of  the  voters  of  the  city 
of  Boston  establishing  a  single  aldermanic  chamber,  to 
consist  of  one  alderman  from  each  ward,  to  be  elected 
annually,  and  twelve  aldermen  at  large,  six  to  be  elected 
for  a  two-year  term,  and  a  President  of  the  Council  to 
be  elected  at  large,  making  thirty-eight  members.  Un- 
der the  present  charter  of  Boston  there  are  two  cham- 
bers of  the  City  Council,  the  lower  house  consisting  of 
seventy-five  councilmen,  and  the  upper  house  containing 
twelve  aldermen.* 

The  term  of  the  Mayor  of  Greater  New  York  is  ex- 
tended from  two  years  to  four  years,  and  his  salary  is  in- 

*  The  reader  is  referred  to  the  sxipplementary  reports  of  the 
commission  for  and  against  the  bicameral  Municipal  Assembly. 
Two  of  the  couunissioners  favored  a  single  legislative  chamber, 


THE  ADMINISTRATIVE  DEPARTMENTS.        229 

creased  from  ten  thousand  dollars  to  fifteen  thousand 
dollars,  and  he  is  ineligible  for  the  next  term  after  the 
termination  of  his  office.  His  power  of  removal  remains 
the  same  as  under  the  law  of  1895 — i.  e.,  under  section 
95,  he  may  at  any  time  within  six  months  after  the  com- 
mencement of  his  term  of  office  remove  any  of  his 
appointees,  "except  members  of  the  Board  of  Edu- 
cation and  School  Boards,  and  except  also  judicial 
officers  for  whose  removal  other  provision  is  made  by 
the  Constitution."  After  six  months  such  public  offi- 
cers may  be  removed  by  the  Mayor  for  cause  upon 
charges  preferred,  and  after  opportunity  to  be  heard 
— subject,  however,  before  such  removal  shall  take 
effect,  to  the  approval  of  the  Governor  expressed  in 
writing. 

There  are  eighteen  administrative  departments,  the 
heads  of  which  are  appointed  by  the  Mayor,  with  the 
exception  of  the  Department  of  Finance.  The  Comp- 
troller, who  is  at  the  head  of  the  Finance  Department, 
is  elected  for  the  term  of  four  years,  and  his  annual 
salary  is  the  same  as  under  the  old  charter — i.  e.,  ten 
thousand  dollars. 

The  table  on  the  following  page  shows  the  public  offi- 
cers who  will  be  appointed  by  the  Mayor  of  Greater 
New  York  after  January  1,  1898,  with  the  official  terms 
and  salaries  affixed  : 

while  the  remainder  advocated  a  bicameral  Municipal  Assembly. 
I  may  add  that  the  same  reports  contained  the  arguments  for 
and  against  a  single  Police  Commissioner  in  place  of  a  bipartisan 
board,  and  a  discussion  of  the  power  of  removal  of  the  Mayor. 


230 


THE  GREATER  NEW  YORK  CHARTER. 


Title  of  Officer.                                Term.  Salary. 

Corporation  Counsel 4  years.  $15,000 

Chamberlain 4  years.  12,000 

President  of  the  Board  of  Public  Improve- 
ments  6  years.  8,000 

Commissioner  of  Water  Supply 0  years.  7,500 

Commissioner  of  Highways. 6  years.  7,500 

(Commissioner  of  Street  Cleaning 6  years.  7,500 

Commissioner  of  Sewers 6  years.  7,500 

Commissioner  of  Public  Buildings,  Light- 
ing, and  Supplies 6  years.  7,500 

Commissioner  of  Bridges 6  years.  7,500 

Three  Commissioners  of  Parks G  years.  5,000 

Six  Art  Commissioners Indefinite,  No  salary. 

Fire  Commissioner 6  years.  7,500 

President  of  the  Board  of  Taxes  and  As- 
sessments  6  years.  8,000 

Four  Commissioners  of  Taxes  and  Assess- 
ments  4  years.  7,000 

Five  Assessors  for  Local  Improvements  . .  .Indefinite.  3,000 

Two  Commissioners  of  Charities 6  years.  7,500 

One  Commissioner  of  Charities 6  years.  2,500 

One  Commissioner  of  Correction 6  years.  7,500 

President  of  the  Board  of  Health 6  years.  7,500 

Two  Health  Commissioners 6  years.  6,000 

Two  Commissioners  of  Buildings 6  years.  7,000 

One  Commis-sioner  of  Buildings 6  years.  3.500 

President  of  the  Dock  Board 6  years.  6,000 

Two  Commissioners  of  Docks 6  years.  5.000 

Four  Police  Commissioners 4  years.  5,000 

Commissioner  of  Jurors  for  Manhattan  and 

the  Bronx , Indefinite.  5,000 

Two  Commissioners  of  Accounts Indefinite.  5.000 

Chief  of  Bureau  of  Municipal  Statistics 4  years.  3,500 

Three  to  six  Commissioners  of  Statistics. .  .Indefinite.  No  salary. 

Three  Civil  Service  Commissioners Indefinite.  No  salary. 

Twenty-one  members  of  School  Board  for 

Manhattan  and  the  Bronx 3  years.  No  salary. 

Forty-five  members  of  School  Board  for 

Brooklyn 3  years.  No  salary. 

Nine  members  of  School  Board  for  Rich- 
mond   3  years.  No  salary. 


BOARD  OP  PUBLIC  IMPROVEMENTS.  231 

Title  of  Officer.                                  Term.  Saiary. 

Nine  members  of  School  Board  for  Queens .  3  years.  No  salary. 

Marshals 6  years.  Fees. 

Inspectors    and    Sealers  of  Weights    and 

Measures Indefinite.  Fees. 

Municipal  Court. 

Title  of  Officer.                                  Term.  Salary. 

Two  Justices  for  Brooklyn 2  years.  $0,000 

Three  Justices  for  Queens 2  years.  5,000 

Two, Justices  for  Richmond 2  years.  '    5,000 

Boards  of  City  Magistrates. 

Title  of  Officer.                                  Term.  Salary. 
Twelve  Magistrates  in  Manhattan  and  the 

Bronx 10  years.  |6,000 

Six  Magistrates  in  Brooklyn 10  years.  6,000 

Three  Magistrates  in  Queens 10  years.  5,000 

Two  Magistrates  in  Richmond 10  years.  5,000 

Coxirts  of  Special  Sessions. 

Title  of  Officer.                                  Term.  Salary. 

Five  Justices,  First  Division 10  years.  $9,000 

Five  Justices,  Second  Division 10  years.  6,000 

An  examination  of  this  table  shows  that  the  salaries 
of  the  several  commissioners  are  somewhat  increased, 
while  their  terms  of  office  are  generally  the  same  as  in 
the  present  city  of  New  York. 

The  Board  of  Public  Improvements  is,  excepting 
the  Board  of  Estimate  and  Apportionment,  the  most 
important  ex-officio  board  in  Greater  New  York.  This 
board  has  power  to  prepare  and  to  recommend  to  the 
Municipal  Assembly  ordinances  and  resolutions  concern- 
ing the  matters  that  are  now  attended  to  by  the  De- 
partment of  Public  Works.  In  other  words,  the  Board 
of  Public  Improvements  possesses  quasi  -  legislative 
powers,  and   this  board  controls   any  public   work  or 


232    THE  GREATER  NEW  YORK  CHARTER. 

improvement  after -the  Municipal  Assembly  has  author- 
ized it. 

Some  of  the  other  novel  features  of  the  charter  are : 
The  Art  Commission,  which  consists  of  six  residents  of 
the  city  of  New  York,  who  serve  without  salary.  This 
commission  is  composed  of  one  painter,  one  sculptor 
and  one  architect,  and  three  laymen,  together  with  the 
Mayor,  the  President  of  the  Metropolitan  Museum  of 
Art,  the  President  of  the  New  York  Public  Library, 
and  the  President  of  the  Brooklyn  Institute  of  Arts  and 
Sciences,  who  are  ex- officio  members.  Hereafter  all 
works  of  art  must  be  submitted  to  and  approved  by  the 
commission  before  such  works  shall  become  the  prop- 
erty of  the  city. 

In  Greater  New  York  the  improvident  granting  of 
franchises  for  insufficient  amounts  can  no  longer  occur, 
for  section  73  provides  that  no  franchise  or  right  to 
use  the  streets  of  the  city  shall  be  granted  by  the  Mu- 
nicipal Assembly  for  more  than  twenty-five  years ;  and 
the  grantee  has  the  option  of  renewal  for  a  like  period 
upon  a  fair  revaluation,  with  a  reversion  to  tli«e  city  at 
the  end  of  the  term. 

Another  excellent  provision  of  the  charter  is  found 
in  section  288,  which  provides  that  if  any  police  officer 
is  recommended  for  promotion  and  rejected,  "  the  chief 
of  police  shall  submit  another  name  within  three  days, 
and  shall  continue  so  to  do  until  the  vacancy  is  filled." 
This  section  was  drawn  to  prevent  the  deadlocks  con- 
corning  the  promotions  of  police  officers  of  the  upper 
grade  which    have    lately  occurred  in  the  bipartisan 


THE  FIRST  MUNICIPAL  ELECTION.  233 

Board  of  Police  in  the  city  of  New  York.  Under  the 
charter  of  Greater  New  York,  the  bureau  of  the  Public 
Administrator  is  abolished,  and  such  official  shall  here- 
after be  a  county  officer ;  but  I  have  not  space  further 
to  discuss  the  minor  changes  of  it. 

Under  the  new  charter,  notwithstanding  its  imper- 
fections, a  businesslike  administration  should  bring 
municipal  progress  and  better  government,  and  citi- 
zens may  expect  a  uniform  rate  of  taxation  and  an  esti- 
mated saving  of  about  thirty  per  cent  in  the  salaries  of 
the  municipal  officers  of  the  enlarged  city.  It  is  de- 
sirable to  make  the  working  of  the  municipal  machinery 
as  simple  as  possible,  and  the  Legislature  should  not 
interfere  with  the  government  of  Greater  New  York 
during  the  first  year  of  its  existence. 

Section  3  of  Article  XII  of  the  new  Constitution 
provides  that  all  elections  for  city  officers  shall  be  held 
in  "  an  odd-numbered  year."  In  November,  1897,  the 
first  election  under  this  Constitution  takes  place  ;  and  a 
Mayor,  a  Comptroller,  a  Council,  and  a  Board  of  Alder- 
men, as  well  as  county  officers,  will  be  chosen.  This 
gigantic  municipal  campaign  has  aroused  much  interest 
throughout  the  United  States  as  well  as  abroad;  and 
it  can  not  be  doubted  that  the  practical  operation  of 
the  charter  for  the  enlarged  metropolis  will  be  watched 
with  greater  interest  than  has  been  shown  in  any  ex- 
periment in  municipal  government. 


"CITY  GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES." 

UST  OF  QUESTIONS  FOR  TEACHERS. 

Chapter  I. — What  is  a  city  1  What  two  tests  may  be  applied 
to  city  government  t  Explain.  State  one  cause  of  high  taxation. 
Give  an  extract  from  the  report  of  the  City  Reform  Club.  What 
is  the  comparative  cost  of  municipal  government  in  Europe  and 
America?  Give  the  substance  of  the  Report  of  the  Commission 
of  1877.  State  the  difference  between  the  charters  of  New  York 
and  Brooklyn.  What  can  you  say  of— 1,  Philadelphia!  2.  Wash- 
ington? 3.  Memphis?  Describe  city  charters  in  the  States  of 
Washington  and  Missouri.  Describe  the  political  revolution  of 
Brooklyn  in  1893.  What  is  one  obstacle  to  better  city  govern- 
ment?    What  was  done  by  the  mayor  of  Chicago  in  1894? 

Chapter  II. — When  does  the  word  "  mayor  "  first  occur  in  his- 
tory? What  are  his  duties?  Is  the  election  of  mayor  in  Europe 
like  that  in  the  United  States?  Give  the  history  of  the  office  of 
mayor  in  New  York  city;  in  Philadelphia.  State  the  general 
rule  for  the  election  of  mayors  in  the  United  States.  What  is 
said  of  the  mayor's  power  of  appointment  and  removal?  What  is 
the  test  of  the  mayor's  ability?  Does  the  mayor  preside  over  the 
Board  of  Aldermen  ?  What  is  said  of  the  veto  power?  Describe 
the  "  boodle  "  aldermen  of  1884. 

Chapter  III. — Describe  the  London  County  Council.  What 
can  you  say  of  the  Paris  City  Council?  How  is  the  Berlin 
Board  of  Aldermen  organized  ?  Describe  the  City  Council  of  Bir- 
mingham ;  of  Glasgow.  How  is  the  city  of  Mexico  governed  ? 
Does  the  municipal  Legislature  vary  in  the  United  States?  Give 
examples.  How  long  is  the  term  for  alderman?  Examples. 
How  are  aldermen  elected?  What  is  the  great  desideratum  ? 
Explain.  What  can  you  say  of  "  boss  "  rule  f  Give  the  quotation 
from  Mr.  White. 

Chapter  IV. — How  does  our  park  area  compare  with  Europe  ? 
Give  the  approximate  acreage  of  some  of  the  parks.  Describe  the 
Central  Park  of  New  York.  What  did  Mayor  Hewitt  suggest  in 
1887?  Does  property  around  a  park  increase  in  value?  Give  an 
example.  Give  the  history  of  parks  in  Paris.  Who  should  lay 
out  parks?  What  is  said  of  Chicago?  of  London?  of  zoological 
and  botanic  gardens  ? 

884 


LIST  OF  QUESTIONS  FOR  TEACHERS.         235 

Chapter  V. — How  is  the  fire  service  managed  in  the  United 

States  ?  What  can  you  say  of  volunteer  and  paid  firemen  ?  De- 
scribe the  chief  conflagrations  in  our  cities.  How  does  the  appa- 
ratus of  New  York  compare  with  London?  What  is  said  of 
Philadelphia?  of  Berlin?  Describe  the  buildings  and  water  sup- 
ply of  our  cities.     Give  an  account  of  the  first  steam  fire  engine. 

Chapter  VI. — Compare  the  police  force  in  our  cities  with  that 
of  Europe.  State  the  comparative  cost  of  police  service  in  several 
cities.  Give  Seth  Low's  opinion.  What  is  the  Herzog  teleseme 
system  ?    What  is  said  of  a  State  police  I 

Chapter  YII. — Are  police  magistrates  appointed,  or  elected  ? 
Explain.  Give  an  example  in  New  York  city  and  in  other  cities 
of  this  State.  What  was  Mayor  Hewitt's  opinion  ?  How  are  po- 
lice justices  appointed  in  Illinois?  how  in  Massachusetts?  De- 
scribe the  police  courts  of  Paris,  Berlin,  and  Birmingham. 

Chapter  VIII. — What  is  excise  ?  How  is  the  sale  of  liquor 
regarded  in  different  States  and  cities  ?  Describe  the  system  in 
New  York  ;  in  Philadelphia.  What  is  said  of  high  license?  What 
is  the  New  York  law  concerning  minors?  In  what  cities  has  high 
license  been  adopted  ? 

Chapter  IX. — What  is  said  of  the  water  supply  of  European 
cities ;  of  American  cities  ?  Describe  the  Croton  Aqueduct.  What 
is  said  of  New  York  water  rents  ?  Describe  the  water  supply  of 
Philadelphia;  Chicago;  Albany;  Kansas  City;  London.  What 
can  you  say  of  the  municipal  ownership  of  waterworks  ?  When 
and  where  was  illuminating  gas  invented  ?  Describe  gas-lighting 
in  London  ;  in  Paris.  Explain  the  German  system,  especially  that 
of  Berlin.  Describe  the  iise  of  gas  in  Philadelphia.  What  is  said  of 
the  price  of  gas  in  American  cities  ?  Describe  the  use  of  electric- 
ity for  lighting  streets,  and  as  a  motive  power  for  street  railways. 

Chapter  X. — To  whom  do  the  streets  of  a  city  belong  ?  What 
is  the  most  frequent  source  of  municipal  corruption  in  the  United 
States  ?  What  sum  is  paid  for  the  use  of  streets  in  New  York  ? 
Describe  the  elevated  railroads.  What  is  said  of  the  street  rail- 
ways of  Paris  and  Berlin  ?  How  should  the  revenue  from  fran- 
chises be  estimated  ?  How  much  does  the  city  of  Berlin  receive  t 
Describe  the  tramways  of  Glasgow.  What  is  said  of  the  viaducts 
in  Europe;  in  New  York  ;  in  Philadelphia?  Describe  the  PZace 
de  VEurope  in  Paris.  What  can  you  say  of  grade  crossings  in 
Chicago?  Compare  the  use  of  sidewalks  and  streets  in  our  cities 
with  those  of  Europe.  Describe  the  advertising  pillars  of  Berlin 
and  the  kiosks  of  Paris.     What  are  "  refuges  "  ?    What  is  said  of 


236         LIST  OP  QUESTIONS  FOR  TEACHERS, 

sign-bearers  in  Europe  and  the  United  States  f  Describe  the  prin- 
cipal street  obstruction  erected  in  New  York. 

Chapter  XI. — What  is  said  of  the  appropriation  for  street- 
cleaning  in  New  York  f  Give  the  appropriations  for  different 
cities.  What  is  done  with  sweepings  in  Berlin  t  Describe  the 
Paris  system.  What  is  the  system  in  Vienna  f  How  is  refuse  dis- 
posed of  in  our  cities  f  Give  examples.  Describe  the  "  destructor" 
in  Birmingham.  What  is  said  of  the  ash  receptacles  of  Paris ;  of 
Berlin ;  of  Vienna  I  What  is  the  motto  of  the  municipal  authori- 
ties of  Germany  1 

Chapter  XII. — Is  the  laying  out  of  streets  a  branch  of  city 
government!  What  causes  poor  pavements!  What  is  said  of 
wooden  pavement  in  Chicago ;  in  Europe  1  Describe  the  asphalt 
pavements  of  Paris ;  of  Washington ;  of  Buffalo.  How  are  new 
pavements  paid  for  in  New  York  city  f  What  is  said  of  Parisian 
street  paving?  What  are  street  car  companies  compelled  to  do 
in  Philadelphia!  what,  in  New  York,  Baltimore,  and  Cleveland! 
"What  materials  are  used  for  pavements  in  Philadelphia,  Brooklyn, 
and  New  York  !  Describe  the  cost  and  durability  of  pavements. 
What  does  the  "  life  "  of  a  pavement  depend  upon  ! 

Chapter  XIII. — What  is  a  general  rule  concerning  a  court- 
house or  city  hall  ?  What  is  the  system  in  Newport,  R.  I. !  What 
is  said  of  the  public  buildings  of  Europe !  Describe  the  quays 
and  docks  of  Europe.  Upon  what  does  the  public  health  largely 
depend  !  Describe  the  sewage  problem  of  Chicago.  What  is  said 
of  the  sewers  of  Paris  !  What  does  Mr.  Pollard  say  of  the  sewage 
farms  of  Berlin  ! 

Chapter  XIV. — What  can  you  say  of  the  management  of 
charitable  institutions!  Give  the  hospital  accommodations  of  cities 
in  proportion  to  the  population.  When  was  improved  sanitation 
adopted  in  Berlin!  What  can  you  say  of  Birmingham!  What 
city  in  the  United  States  has  the  largest  death  rate!    Give  table. 

Chapter  XV. — Describe  the  New  York  College ;  the  Normal 
College.  What  can  you  say  of  the  schools  of  Berlin  !  Which  is 
the  most  school-going  city  of  the  United  Kingdom  !  Is  education 
compulsory  in  Berlin  !  What  other  schools  are  supported  by  the 
Berlin  corporation  !  What  is  the  appropriation  in  New  York  !  in 
Philadelphia!  in  Boston!  in  Baltimore!  in  Chicago!  Describe 
trade  schools.  Who  was  the  founder  of  trade  schools  in  the 
United  States! 

Chapter  XVI. — What  property  is  exempt  from  taxation! 
Give  an  account  of  the  State  tax  of  New  York.     What  is  said  of 


LIST  OF  QUESTIONS  FOR  TEACHERS.         237 

municipal  credit  after  the  civil  war?  Is  increase  of  bonded  in- 
debtedness peculiar  to  our  cities  f  What  is  said  of  a  city  having 
a  low  tax-rate  I  Describe  the  bond  issue  of  small  cities.  Give 
the  funded  debts  of  some  large  cities ;  also  the  expenditures.  Is 
there  an  income  tax  in  Europe?  Give  some  special  taxes  in 
France.  What  is  the  opinion  of  Leroy-Beaulieu  ?  Give  the  reason 
for  the  large  debts  of  some  cities. 

Chapter  XVII. — Describe  the  Cincinnati  Southern  Railway. 
What  law  was  passed  by  the  New  York  Legislature  in  1894? 
What  is  said  of  the  elevated  railroads?  Give  the  history  of  the 
Brooklyn  Bridge.  Describe  the  lodging-houses  of  Boston ;  of 
Glasgow;  of  New  York.  What  is  said  of  disinfection  in  Berlin? 
Describe  the  abattoirs  in  Berlin ;  in  Paris.  Describe  the  markets 
of  Paris ;  of  Berlin ;  of  New  York ;  of  Washington ;  of  Philadel- 
phia ;  of  Chicago ;  of  Boston  ;  of  Baltimore.  What  is  said  of  the 
report  of  the  London  County  Council?  Compare  the  libraries  in 
some  cities  of  Europe  with  those  of  American  cities.  Describe 
the  Library  of  Cliicago.  What  museums  has  New  York?  What 
is  said  of  Massachusetts?  Describe  the  bath-houses  of  Berlin  ;  of 
New  York.  How  are  pawnshops  managed  in  Europe?  Describe 
municipal  savings  banks  and  municipal  waterworks.  What  is 
the  tendency  of  American  cities  ?  State  the  advantages  of  mu- 
nicipalism. 

Chapter  XVIII. — What  is  said  of  the  registration  law  in  San 
Francisco?  Describe  the  French  system.  What  is  the  Alabama 
law  of  1893  ?  Describe  the  work  of  the  Good  Government  Clubs. 
What  is  said  of  separate  city  elections?  Describe  the  patent  vot- 
ing machine.  What  is  the  best  method  for  preventing  election 
frauds?  What  is  said  of  the  educational  qualification  for  voters? 
What  is  the  law  of  Belgium  ?  Describe  compulsory  voting.  What 
was  the  custom  in  colonial  times?  What  is  said  of  Troy?  of 
Portland?  of  Jersey  City?  of  Gravesend?  of  Cohoes?  What  can 
you  say  of  watchers  ?  of  floaters  ?    Describe  the  Australian  law. 

Chapter  XIX. — How  should  all  cities  be  organized?  What 
should  the  voters  of  cities  be  allowed  to  do  ?  Describe  proportion- 
ate representation.  What  is  said  of  municipal  ofiiceholders? 
Does  a  corrupt  boss  fear  exposure  ?  Explain.  What  is  required 
of  teachers  in  Massacliusetts  ?  How  is  political  science  taught  in 
the  United  States?  What  is  said  of  the  corrupt  tendency  in  city 
officials  ?  What  is  said  of  the  average  Legislature  ?  Describe  the 
tendency  of  municipal  government  in  America.  What  did  Jeffer- 
son say  of  great  cities?    What  doctrine  should  be  inculcated? 


238         LIST  OF  QUESTIONS  FOR  TEACHERS. 

Chapter  XX. — When  was  the  question  of  consolidating  New 
York  and  Brooklyn,  with  the  suburbs,  submitted  to  the  voters! 
How  was  it  decided  ?  When  did  the  Greater  New  York  charter 
become  a  law  ?  Give  the  area  and  population  of  Greater  New 
York.  Name  the  boroughs.  What  are  the  conspicuous  features 
of  the  new  charter  1  Describe  the  Council.  Describe  the  Board 
of  Aldermen!  What  is  said  of  the  powers  of  the  Municipal 
Assembly?  Describe  section  47  of  the  legislative  department. 
What  can  you  say  of  bicameral  and  single  aldermanic  boards  ? 
What  is  the  Mayor's  term  and  salary  ?  Describe  his  power  of 
removal.  How  many  administrative  departments?  Give  the 
terms  and  salaries  of  some  officials.  Describe  the  Board  of  Pub- 
lic Improvements.  What  is  said  of  the  art  commission  ?  of  fran- 
chises ?  of  promotion  of  police  officers  ?  What  does  the  new  Con- 
stitution provide  ?  What  officials  are  chosen  at  the  first  election  ? 
What  is  said  of  the  working  of  the  new  charter? 


INDEX. 


Abattoirs,  180, 181. 
Adams,  H.  C,  169. 
Americans,  patience  of,  3,  216. 
Albany,  84,  194,  99,  100. 
Aldermen,  28,  29,  40,  51. 

election  of,  45. 

term  of,  46. 

at  large,  46,  47. 

by  districts,  46,  47. 

"  Boodle,"  29,  39, 49. 

power  to  approve  licenses,  92. 
Alexandria,  Va.,  104. 
Americanism,  197. 
Amendments  to  laws,  17. 
Amsterdam,  53. 
Annual  arrests.  New  York,  75, 

Philadelphia,  78. 
Aquarium,  New  York  city,  62. 
Aqueducts,  95,  96, 100. 
Armour  Institute,  166. 
Arnold  Arboretum,  63. 
Art  galleries,  184. 
Assistant  Aldermen,  45,  46. 
Atlanta,  93. 

Auchmuty,  Richard  T.,  166. 
Australian  ballot  laws,  205. 

Baltimore,  elections  in,  193. 
Mayor's  term,  30. 
Polytechnic  Institute,  166. 
public  parks  of,  52. 
street  pavements,  146, 147. 
school  appropriations,  165. 


85. 


Bath-houses,  185. 

Battery  Park,  New  York  city,  60, 61. 

Belgium,  199. 

Bellefontaine,  Ohio,  104. 

Berlin,  140, 151, 155,  156, 162. 

abattoirs,  180,  181. 

advertising  pillars,  120. 

Biirgermeister  of,  28. 

City  Council  of,  42,  43. 

fire  department  of,  68. 

gas-works  of,  103, 104, 176. 

museums,  184. 

parks  of,  53. 

police  courts,  88. 

schools,  163, 165. 

sewage  of,  157, 159. 

street  cars,  115, 116. 

street-cleaning,  124. 
Bicameral  city  council,  46. 
Birmingham,    annual    expendittire 
of,  12. 

criminal  courts,  88. 

death-rate,  162. 

gas-works  of,  102. 

health  officer,  162. 

magistrates,  86. 

municipal  enterprise,  187. 

population,  53. 

public  works  of,  53. 

pure  government  of,  13. 

refugees  of,  121. 

sewers  of,  155, 156, 159. 

street-cleaning,  124. 


(239) 


240 


INDEX. 


Birmingham,  Town  Council,  44. 

waterworks  of,  101. 
Board  of  Estimate  and  Apportion- 
ment, 11,  209. 

finance,  15, 199. 

medical  e.vaminera,  154. 
Bonds  of  cities,  171,  172. 
Boston,  65,  93, 122. 

Aldermen  of,  46. 

charter  of,  29. 

conflagration  iu,  65. 

library,  184. 

liquor  sale  in,  93. 

Mayor's  term,  30. 

parks  of,  52,  53. 

street-cleaning,  124, 137. 
Boulevard  de  Sebastopol,  181. 
Bribery,  2,  188,  205. 
Bridge,  over  the  East  Sivcr,  117, 178. 
Broadway,  39, 114. 
Brooklyn,  Aldermen  of,  48. 

bad  government  of,  2,  4,  24,  25,  66. 

bridge,  178. 

departments  of,  18,  20. 

elevated  railroads,  113. 

election.s,  193. 

laws  concerning,  11. 

Mayor  of,  19,  20, 30,  87. 

police  judges,  84,  87. 

public  parks,  52,  53. 

size  of,  215. 

street-cleaning,  124. 

special  acts  for,  208. 
Brussels,  53. 
Bryce,  James,  2, 105. 
Buftalo,  45.  52,  146,  193,  218. 
Builders'  Association,  153,  154. 
Bullitt  Charter  of  Philadelphia,  211. 
Bureau  of  Elections,  76,  205,  212. 
Burns,  John,  101, 103,  116. 

Cable  railroad,  112. 
California,  47, 189, 198,  209. 
Canada,  108,  166. 
Cape  .\nn  granite,  147. 
Carte  d'dlecteur,  190. 


Castle  Garden,  62. 

Central  Park,  54,  56,  57,  61, 157, 185, 

216. 
Cesspools,  157. 

Chamberlain,  Joseph,  12, 13,  35. 
Chamber  of  Commerce,  177. 
Champs  Elys^es,  54. 
Charlottesville,  Va.,  104. 
Charters  in  New  York,  18. 
Charter  elections,  202. 
Chicago,  Aldermen  of,  46. 

bonds  of,  172. 

elections  in,  193, 194. 

fire  department  of,  66. 

great  tire  in,  65. 

grade  cro.ssinga,  118, 119. 

Mayor  of,  5,  25,  30,  32,  33,  37. 

population  of,  52,  174,  218. 

pavement  of,  146. 

politics  of,  4. 

public  parks  of,  52,  61. 

public  library,  184. 

sewerage  of,  155, 156. 

trucks  excluded  from  avenues  in, 
122. 

water  cliarges,  99. 

waterworks,  98. 
Church,  92,  201. 

Cincinnati,  4,  30,46,  52,  51  177,21.5. 
Circulating    libraries,    New    York 

city,  214. 
Citizenship,  prepare   children   for, 

214. 
City,  functions  and  nature  of,  1,  2., 
City  Club,  New  York  city,  153,  203. 
City  Reform  Club,  9,  10,  213. 
City  Improvement  Society,  206. 
Civic  science,  214. 
Civil-service  examination.s,  80. 
Civil  engineers,  153,  154. 
Civil  war,  220. 

Cleveland,  105, 114, 143, 146,  193. 
Cohoes,  204. 
College  of  the  City  of  New  York 

163. 
College  professors,  211. 


INDEX. 


241 


Combine,  107. 

Commons,  Prof.  J.  E.,  108. 

Coney  Island,  62. 

Connecticut,  198,  206. 

Consolidated  Gas  Company,  105. 

Constitution,  evasions  of  the,  208. 

Corrupt  Practice  Act,  19. 

Crematory,  134. 

Croton  Aqueduct,  66,  95-99. 

Danville,  Va.,  104. 
Death-rate,  163. 
Debts,  168. 

of  American  cities,  170-173. 

of  New  York  city,  14, 171-173. 
Denmark,  210. 
Departments    in    New    York    and 

Brooklyn,  18. 
Destructors,  133, 134. 
Detroit,  30,  80,  93. 
Disinfection,  180. 
Disinfectants,  128,  129. 
Docks,  18,  154,  155,  177. 
Downward  tendencies,  218. 
Drexel  Institute,  166. 
Dublin,  18,  53, 162. 
Duluth,  Minn.,  104. 

Edinburgh,  164. 
Elections  in  Alabama,  191. 

California,  189. 

England,  198. 

France,  190,  198,  201. 

Germany,  198,  201. 

New  York  city,  189, 193, 196, 197. 

Switzerland,  190. 
Electricity,  106-110. 
Electric  tramways,  109. 
Electric  railroads,  114. 
Elevated  Railroad,  112-114, 119, 178. 
Erie  Railway,  119. 
Enforcement  of  laws,  212. 
Evarts,  William  M.,  14. 
Excise  Reform  Association,  91. 
Excise  laws,  90. 


Exemptions  from  taxation  of  semi- 
public  works,  110. 
charitable  institutions,  etc.,  168. 
church  property,  168. 

Expenditures  of  cities,  173, 174. 

Fairmount  Tark,  Philadelphia,  61. 

Family  vote,  199. 

Famous  fires,  65. 

Fare  on  Elevated  Railroad,  112, 113. 

Federal  legislation,  215. 

Fifth  Avenue,  122. 

Fire-proof  buildings,  67, 151. 

Fire  engines,  67,  70. 

Fire-engine  houses,  65,  68. 

Fire  Department,  in  Chicago,  66. 

in  Berlin,  68. 

in  London,  67. 

in  Liverpool,  68. 

in  New  York,  67. 

in  Philadelphia,  68-70. 
Five  Points,  47,  72. 
Flower's,  Governor,  vetoes,  77, 163. 
Flowers  on  sidewalk,  120. 
Franklin,  Benjamin,  70. 
Franchises,  50,  HI,  112, 114, 115, 176. 
Frame  houses,  64. 
Fredericksburg,  Va.,  104. 
Free  Academy,  163. 

Gamewell  signal  system,  83. 
Gardens,  botanical,  63. 

zoological,  63. 
Gas  ring  of  Philadelphia,  26, 105. 
Gas-works,  103,  104,  177. 
German  politeness,  164. 
Gerrymandering,  49,  201. 
Geneva,  120. 
Glasgow,  44, 45,  53, 101, 116-124, 136, 

187. 
Good  Government  Clubs,  86, 192. 
Governor,  appointive  power  of  the, 

83,  84. 
Grade  crossings,  118,  119. 
Greater  New  York  Charter,  221-233. 


242 


INDEX. 


Half  holidays,  164 

Hamilton,  Ohio,  104. 

Harlem  River,  109. 

Harlem  Bridge,  110. 

Harrisburg,  217. 

Health  Boards,  161,  162, 179. 

Henderson,  Ky.,  104. 

Herzog  Tele.seine  system,  82. 

Hewitt,  e.x-Mayor,  32,  57,  59,  74,  85, 

172. 
Hill's,  Governor,  veto,  92. 
High-license  law,  92,  93. 
Hollender,  J.  H.,  177. 
Horologieal  school,  166. 
Hospitals,  beds  in,  160. 
Hotel  de  Ville,  41. 
Hot-air  furnaces,  68. 
Hydrants,  129. 

Hlinois,  87,  210. 

Indianapolis,  45,  52. 

Inspectors,  of  food,  181, 192 ;  of  elec- 
tions, 190 ;  of  public  works,  152- 
154. 

Insurance  rates,  66 

Jacksonville,  30. 

Jackson  Park,  Chicago,  61. 

Jardin  d'Acclimatation,  Paris,  63. 

Jardin  des  Plantcs,  63. 

Jelferson,  151,  219. 

Jersey  City,  19,  82, 119,  204. 

Johns  Hopkins  University,  177, 214. 

Kansas  City,  Mo.,  24,  52, 100,  200. 

Labor  vote,  187. 
Labor  E.xchange,  Paris,  186. 
Ladies'  Health  Protective  Associa- 
tion, 12.5. 
Latter,  the  inventor,  70, 
Lawrence,  C  W.,  29. 
Legal  maxims,  132. 
Leroy-Beaulieu,  176. 
Libraries,  184. 


License  fees  for  horse-cars,  111,112 
Lincoln  Park,  Chicago,  61. 
Liquor,  sale  of,  in  Boston,  92. 

in  Chicago,  92. 

in  Detroit,  92. 

in  New  York,  93. 

in  St  Louis,  93. 

in  Pittsburg,  93. 

in  Philadelphia,  93. 
Liverpool,  58,  6»,  114,  134. 
LoJging-houses,  179. 
Loew  Bridge,  121. 
London,  ashes  in,  134. 

Commissioner  of  Police,  82. 

County  Council,  40. 

docks  in,  154. 

lire  department,  67. 

gas  supply,  106. 

gas-lighting  in,  102. 

hospitals  in,  160. 

Lord  Mayor  of,  28. 

museums  in,  184. 

ordinances  for  wagons,  143. 

population  and  public  parks,  58. 

police  department,  71. 

private  houses,  63. 

refugees  in,  121. 

street-cleaning,  124. 

the  sea-son  in,  6. 

the  "  Zoo,"  Regent's  Park,  63. 

water  supply,  101. 

waterworks,  102. 

woo<len  pavement,  140. 
Low,  Seth,  31,  86,  81. 
Lowest  bidder  in  contracts,  152. 
Lubbock,  Sir  John,  40. 

McCook,  Prof.  J.  J.,  206. 
McKane,  John  Y.,  204. 
Magistrates  of  Berlin,  48. 

police,  71,  72,  82,  115. 
Manhattan  Railway  Company,  113. 
Marketj^,  181-184. 

in  P^uropean  cities,  181. 

in  .\meriean  cities,  181. 

roof-gardens  on,  182. 


INDEX. 


243 


Massachusetts,  87, 198,  200,  213. 
Mayor : 

ideal  Mayors,  36,  37. 

origin  of,  27. 

term  of  office,  27,  30. 
Memphis,  23,  24. 
Metropolitan  Police  Board,  73. 
Mexico,  45,  59. 186. 
Minneapolis,  93. 
''  Moderates,"  40. 
Monts-de-piete,  185. 
Municipal  Corporations  Act,  13. 
Municipalism,  187,  188. 
Museums,  184,  185. 

Naples,  160. 
'Napoleon,  58,  59. 
Naturalization  laws,  196. 
Naturalized  Americans,  196,  197. 
Newark,  N.  J.,  194. 
New  England,  37,  45,  150. 
New  Haven,  Conn.,  118. 
New  Orleans,  4,  37,  46. 
Newport,  R.  I.,  36,  150,  199. 
Normal  College,  163. 

Oil  regions,  217. 
Oswego,  N.  Y.,  209. 

Paris,  abattoirs,  181. 
belt  railway,  114. 
Bourse  du  Travail,  186. 
Champs  Elys^es,  54. 
charitable  institutions,  160. 
city  hall,  151. 
fire  department,  68. 
gardens  of,  63. 
grand  boulevard,  120. 
markets,  181. 

merchandise  on  sidewalk,  120. 
parks  of,  53,  58,  59. 
pavements,  129,  139,  146. 
pawnshops,  186. 
Place  de  I'Europe,  117. 
police,  71. 
population  of,  53. 

17 


Paris,  prefect  of  the  Seine,  28. 

quays,  154. 

"  season  "  in,  6. 

sewers,  157. 

street  cleaning,  123, 124,  127-129, 
132, 135. 
Parry,  Joseph  L.,  70. 
Pavements,  asphalt,  23,  140,    144, 
147. 

Belgian,  144, 147. 

block,  143. 

cobble,  139,  143, 144. 

concrete,  144. 

cost  and  life  of,  145, 147. 

granite,  144, 147. 

granolithic,  143. 

Medina  sandstone,  146, 147. 

Macadam,  143,  144. 

rubble,  143. 

Kuss,  139. 

sand  on,  116. 

trap,  139,  144. 

vitrified  brick,  143. 

wood,  22,  139,  146. 
Pavement  societies,  143. 
Pawnsiiops,  185,  186. 
People,  a  government  of,  for,  and 

by,  220. 
Pennsylvania  Eailroad,  117. 
Penn's  charter,  169. 
Philadelphia,  City  Council,  45. 

education  in,  165, 166. 

expenditures,  174. 

fire  department,  68,  70. 

gas-works,  105. 

government  of,  4,  5. 

high-license  law.  91,  93. 

Mayor  of,  30. 

municipal  department  heads   to 
give  bonds,  212. 

pavement,  143-145, 147. 

police,  77,  78, 81. 

population,  52. 

public  parks,  53. 

viaduct  in,  117. 

waterworks,  98,  99. 


244 


INDEX, 


Pittsburg,  65,  93. 

Police  commissioners,  73-76,  78-82. 

government  of,  83. 

in  Berlin,  71,  72,  82. 

in  Boston,  80,  81. 

in  Brooklyn,  78. 

in  Chicago,  77,  81. 

in  Cincinnati,  79,  81. 

in  Detroit,  80. 

in  London,  71,  82. 

in  Minneapolis,  80. 

in  New  Orleans,  80. 

In  New  York,  72,  77,  81. 

in  Paris,  71,  82. 

in  Philadelphia,  77,  78,  81. 

in  St.  Louis,  79,  81. 

in  Vienna,  72. 
Police  judges,  Illinois,  87. 

Maryland,  84. 

Massachusetts  *nd  Boston,  84,  87, 
88. 

New  York,  State  and  City,  84, 85. 
Pollard,  James,  104,  155,  157,  164, 

165, 180. 
Portland,  Me.,  65,  203. 
Powel,  John  Hare,  36. 
Pratt  Institute.  166. 
Prefect  of  Police,  41,  82. 

of  the  Seine,  41. 
"  Progressives,"  40. 
Prohibition  laws,  90. 
Proportionate    representation,    49, 

209-210. 
Providence,  80. 
Public  buildings,  151. 

Charities  and  Correction,  18, 179. 

parks,  list  of,  52,  53. 

sentiment,  189,  207. 
Purroy,  Henry  D.,  67. 

Ramapo  River,  102. 

Rapid  transit,  New  York  city,  177, 

178. 
Referendum,  95, 150, 177. 
Registration,  of  laborers,  215. 
of  voters,  189,  191. 


Reports,  New  York  Senate  Com- 
mittee, 1890, 16. 
Rheims,  162. 
Richmond,  Va.,  104. 
Riverside  Park,  New  York,  61. 
Rochester,  85, 146, 147. 
Rome,  160. 
Rosebery,  Earl  of,  40. 

Salaries  in  New  York  city,  7. 

Saloons,  90-93. 

Sandwich-men,  121. 

San  Franscisco,  30,  46,  52. 

Savings  banks,  186. 

Savannah,  52. 

St.  Lazare  station,  117. 

St  Louis,  30,  46,  52,  53,  68,  98. 

St.  Paul,  93. 

St.  Petersburg.  154, 160. 

Schieren,  Charles  A.,  37. 

Schenectady,  85. 

Schools,  annual  appropriations  for, 

165. 
Schoolhouses,  92, 151, 164. 
Separate  city  elections,  193. 
Sewerage,  155-159. 
Shepherd  ring,  23. 
Signboards,  121. 
Sing  Sing,  23. 
Socialists  in  parks,  62. 
Sonoma,  Cal.,  104. 
Spirit  of  party,  198. 
State  tax  of  New  York  city,  168. 
Stove-sitter,  205. 
Street-cleaning,  cost  of,  124. 

commissioner,  124, 125. 

in  Baltimore,  131. 

in  Berlin,  125-127, 129, 135, 136. 

in  Birmingham,  183. 

in  Boston,  131. 

in  Buffalo,  131. 

in  Detroit,  131. 

in  London,  124,  129, 131, 134. 

in  New  York,  123,  129,  130, 131, 
133,135-187. 

in  New  Haven,  131. 


INDEX. 


245 


Street-cleaning,  in  Paris,   127-129, 
131, 132,  135. 

in  Philadelphia,  124,  131, 137. 

in  Vienna,  135. 
Stuttgart,  160. 
Sunday,  liquor  sale  on,  91. 

use  of  parks  on,  56. 
Sweeping  machines,  127, 182. 
Switzerland,  120,  210. 

Tammany  Hall,  33,  34,  57,  202,  210. 

Tariff  issue,  215. 

Taxation  in  Europe,  175, 176. 

Tax  income,  17. 

Tax  levy,  168. 

Taxpayer,  rural,  174. 

Tax-rate,  3,  4,  168,  172. 

Tennis  courts  in  parks,  61, 

Tires  of  vehicles,  147. 

The  Tombs,  New  York  city,  89. 

Tonawanda,  N.  Y.,  194. 

Trade  schools,  166, 167. 

Trolley  railways,  109. 

Troy,  65,  85,  203. 

Trucks  in  New  York  city,  130, 131. 

Tunnels,  117, 118. 

Tweed,  48,  141,  149,  170,  171, 174, 

190, 196. 
Tweed  ring,  26. 

Union  League  Club,  203. 

Verplanck,  G.  C,  29. 
Veto  power,  38. 


Vetoes  of  Mayor  Hewitt,  89. 

of  Mayor  Low,  39. 
Viaducts,  117. 
Victoria  Embankment,  154. 
Vienna,  53,  72, 102,  124, 130. 
Virchow,  Prof.,  162. 
Volunteer  fire  department,  65. 
Voting  machine,  194. 

Washington,  D.  C,  5,  6,  22,  24,  63, 
139. 

George,  5, 193. 

Square,  New  York  city,  186. 

State,  24,  47. 
Watchers  at  the  polls,  205. 
Water  charges,  97-99, 187. 
Water-front  parks,  61. 
Water  meters,  94,  98. 

towers,  68. 
Waterworks,  94-102, 177, 187. 

ownership  of,  94, 102, 187. 
Water  reservoirs,  98. 
Wharton   School   at  Philadelphia, 

214. 
Wheeling,  W.  Va.,  104. 
White,  Andrew  D.,  49,  50,  51, 149. 
Williamson   Free    School  of   Me- 
chanical Trades,  166. 
World's  Fair,  Chicago,  61. 

Yonkers,  N.  Y.,  134. 

Zelle,  Mayor,  28,  36. 


THE   END. 


D.   APPLETON  AND  COMPANY'S  PUBLICATIONS. 

THE  SUCCESSOR  TO   "LOOKING  BACKWARD." 

pqUALITY.    By  Edward  Bellamy.     i2mo.    Cloth, 

$1.25. 

"The  book  is  so  full  of  ideas,  so  replete  with  suggestive  aspects,  so  rich 
in  quotable  parts,  as  to  form  an  arsenal  of  argument  for  apostles  of  the  new 
democracy.  .  .  .  The  humane  and  thoughtful  reader  will  lay  down  '  Equality ' 
and  regard  the  world  about  him  with  a  feeling  akin  to  that  with  which  the 
child  of  the  tenement  returns  from  his  '  country  week '  to  the  foul  smells,  the 
discordant  noises,  the  incessant  strife  of  the  wonted  environment.  Immense 
changes  are  undoubtedly  in  store  for  the  coming  century.  The  industrial 
transformations  of  the  world  for  the  past  hundred  years  seem  to  assure  for 
the  next  hundred  a  mutation  in  social  conditions  commensurately  radical. 
The  tendency  is  undoubtedly  toward  human  unity,  social  sclidarity.  l£cience 
will  more  and  more  make  social  evolution  a  voluntary,  self-directing  process 
on  the  part  of  man." — Sylvester  Baxter,  in  the  Review  of  Reviews. 

"  '  Equality '  is  a  greater  book  than  '  Looking  Backward,'  while  it  is  mora 
powerful ;  and  the  smoothness,  the  never-failing  interest,  the  limpid  clear- 
ness and  the  simplicity  of  the  argument,  and  the  timeliness,  will  make  it 
extremely  popular.  Here  is  a  book  that  every  one  will  read  and  enjoy. 
Rant  there  is  none,  but  the  present  system  is  subjected  to  a  searching  arraign- 
ment.   Withal,  the  story  is  bright,  optimistic,  and  cheerful." — Boston  Herald. 

"  Mr.  Bellamy  has  bided  his  time— the  full  nine  years  of  Horace's  counsel. 
Calmly  and  quietly  he  has  rounded  out  the  vision  which  occurred  to  him.  .  .  . 
That  -Mr.  Bellamy  is  earnest  and  honest  in  his  convictions  is  evident.  That 
hundreds  of  earnest  and  honest  men  hold  the  same  convictions  is  also  evident. 
Will  the  future  increase,  or  decrease,  the  number  ? " — New  York  Herald. 

"  So  ample  was  Mr.  Bellamy's  material,  so  rich  is  his  imaginative  power, 
that  '  Looking  Backward '  scarcely  gave  him  room  to  turn  in.  .  .  .  The 
betterment  of  man  is  a  noble  topic,  and  the  purpose  of  Mr.  Bellamy's  '  Equal- 
ity '  is  to  approach  it  with  reverence.  The  book  will  raise  many  discussions. 
The  subject  which  Mr.  Bellamy  writes  about  is  inexhaustible,  and  it  has  never- 
failing  human  interest." — New  York  Times. 

"  '  Equality'  deserves  praise  for  its  completeness.  It  shows  the  thought 
and  work  of  years.  It  apparently  treats  of  every  phase  of  its  subject.  .  .  . 
Altogether  praiseworthy  and  very  remarkable.'-' — Chicago  Tribune. 

"  There  is  no  question  at  all  about  the  power  of  the  author  both  as  the 
teller  of  a  marvelous  story  and  as  the  imaginative  creator  of  a  scheme  of 
earthly  human  happiness.  '  Equality '  is  profoundly  interesting  in  a  great 
many  different  wa.ys."^Boston  Daily  Advertiser. 

"  A  vastly  interesting  work,  and  those  who  feel  in  the  air  the  coming  of 
great  social,  industrial,  and  economical  changes,  whether  they  hope  for  or 
fear  them,  will  find  '  Equality  '  the  most  absorbing  reading.  The  ready  sale 
of  the  first  installment  of  the  book  shows  how  real  and  general  the  concern 
in  these  questions  has  grown  to  be." — Springfield  Republican. 


D.  APPLETON  AND   COMPANY,  NEW  YORK. 


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y^HE  MONETARY  AND  BANKING  PROB- 
■*■       LEM.     By  Logan  G.  McPherson.     i2mo.     Cloth,  $i.cx3. 
This  book  is  well  adapted  to  give  any  reader  a  clear  understanding  of  the 
subject  that  is  now  foremost  in  attention,  and  to  enable  him  to  form  his  opin- 
ions upon  the  phases  of  the  question  that  are  being  so  widely  discussed. 

CURRENCY   AND    BANKING.     By     Bon  amy 
Price,   Professor  of   Political  Economy   in   the  University  of 
Oxford.     i2mo.     Cloth,  $1.50. 
"  The  idea  that  the  Government  stamp  on  the  coin  gives  to  money  its  value,  the 
author  disposes  of  in  a  sentence,  yet  it  is  a  large  part  of  the  money  argument" — 
Hartford  Courant. 

"  This  discussion  on  the  subject  of  ciurency  is  very  clear  and  satisfactory,  as  well 
as  timely." — New-Englander. 

I  AT  MONEY  INFLATION  IN  FRANCE: 
How  it  Came,  What  it  Brought,  and  How  it  Ended.  By 
Andrew  D.  White,  LL.  D.  (Yale),  L.  H.  D.  (Columbia), 
Ph.  Dr.  (Jena),  late  President  and  Professor  of  History  at  Cor- 
nell University.  To  which  is  added  an  extract  from  Macaulay 
showing  the  results  of  tampering  with  the  currency  in  England. 
i2mo.     Paper,  25  cents. 

OMISMA  J  or,  "  Legal  Tender."     By  Henri  Cer- 

Nuscnr,  author  of  "Bi-Metallic  Money."     i2mo.     Cloth,  $1.25. 

CONTENTS. — Evidence  given  before  the  United  States  Monetary  Commission, 
by  the  author  and  others,  February  ■;,  6,  7,  and  8,  18^7;  Monetary  Pacification  by  the 
Rehabilitation  of  Silver ;  Silver  Vmdicated ;  Appendix. 

'HE  FARMER'S  SIDE.  By  Hon.  W.  A.  Peffer, 
United  States  Senator  from  Kansas.  i2mo.  Cloth,  $1.00. 
"  This  politico  economical  treatise  discusses  such  subjects  as  the  General  Average 
Progress  of  the  Country,  the  Progress  of  Agriculture,  the  Mortgage  Burden,  the 
Changed  Condition  of  the  F'armer,  the  Farmer's  Competitors,  the  Settlement  of  the 
New  West,  tfie  Destroying  Power  of  Usury,  Contraction  of  the  t'urrency.  etc.  These 
are  all  stirring  questions  of  the  day,  and  Senator  Peffer  states  his  side  quite  clearly. 
The  book  will  be  of  great  interest  to  politicians  and  politico-economists  generally." — 
Rochester  Union  and  Advertiser. 

(SELECTED  SPEECHES  AND  REPORTS  ON 

"-^      FINANCE  AND  TAX  A  T/ON,  FROM  iS^g  TO  1878.    By 

John  Sherman,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.    8vo.     Cloth,  $2.50. 

"  Whatever  opinions  sound  thinkers  may  entertain  with  respect  to  some  of  the  doc- 
trines which  Mr.  Sherman  has  upheld  upon  occasion,  there  is  no  man  in  the  coimtry 
whose  oninions  with  respect  to  financial  matters  are  subjects  of  greater  interest  than  are 
Mr.  Sherman'*." — New  York  Evening  Post. 

D.  APPLETON  AND  COMPANY.  NEW  YORK. 


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'HE  HISTORY  OF  BIMETALLISM  IN  THE 
UNITED  STATES.  By  J.  Laurence  Laughlin,  Ph.D., 
Assistant  Professor  of  Political  Economy  in  Harvard  Universi- 
ty ;  author  of  "The  Study  of  Political  Economy,"  etc.  With. 
Sixteen  Charts  and  numerous  Tables.     8vo.     Cloth,  $2  25. 

■'  Prof.  Laughlin's  excellent  work  is  timely  and  valuable.  It  re-enforces  the  suggest 
tions  of  political  sagacity  and  business  prudence  by  the  warnings  of  scientific  investiga- 
tion and  foresight." — New  \  ork  Times. 

"  The  book  is  not  a  treatise  on  the  theory  of  bimetallism,  but  is  a  history  of  bimetal- 
lism, the  theory  being  discussed  only  so  far  as  the  hard  facts  in  the  country's  experience 
have  directly  borne  upon  some  part  of  the  theory." — Chicago  Evening  Joutnal. 

INANCIAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED 
ST  A  TES,  FROM  777./  TO  ijSg,  embracing  the  Period  of  the 
American  Revolution.  New  edition,  thoroughly  revised.  By 
Albert  S.  Bolles,  Professor  in  the  Wharton  School  of  Finance, 
University  of  Pennsylvania  ;  Editor  of  "  The  Banker's  Maga- 
zine."    8vo.     Cloth,  $2.50. 

'INANCIAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED 
STA  TES,  FROM  i^Sg  TO  i860.  By  Albert  S.  Bolles. 
8vo.    Cloth,  $3.50. 

INANCIAL    HISTORY    OF    THE     UNITED 

STATES,  FROM  1861   TO  iSSj.     By  Albert  S.  Bolles. 
8vo.     Cloth,  $3.50. 

"The  diflSculties,  dangers,  and  triumphs  of  the  Govemmenl's  fiscal  operations  early 
in  the  war  are  well  portra^'ed,  and  the  wonderful  course  of  the  dcbt-pajing  outlined. 
The  inception  and  progress  of  the  national  banks  are  described ;  also  the  .system  o' 
internal  taxation,  the  tariff,  the  whisky  frauds,  etc.  The  book  is  the  best  finar.cial  his- 
tory the  country  has  thus  far." — Chicago  Tribune. 

"'I'hese  volumes  have  been  accepted  as  standard  authorities  on  the  subject-matter 
treated,  both  in  this  country  and  in  Europe.  We  are  thus  put  in  possession  of  the 
entire  facts  in  the  fiscal  policies  of  the  latest  born  among  the  nations  of  the  earth.  It  is 
manifest  that  they  must  embrace  a  mass  of  events  whith  in  their  relations  and  sequence 
are  of  the  highest  interest  and  value  to  the  student  of  human  society." — Fhiladelfhia 
Times. 


F 


F 
F 


A 


CRITICAL  EXAMINATION  OF  OUR  FT 
NANCIAL  POLICY  DURING  THE  SOUTHERN  RE- 
BELLION.   By  Simon  Newcomb.     i6mo.     Cloth,  $1.00. 

"The  objects  of  the  essay  are  to  trace  our  present  financial  system  to  its  effect^  on 
)he  power  of  our  Government,  the  permanence  of  our  institutions,  the  future  well-being 
of  society,  and  other  great  national  interests;  to  show  how  certain  principles  of  social 
science  are  illustrated  in  its  workings;  and  incidentally  to  inquire  in  what  ways  it  may 
be  improved." — From  the  Frejace. 


New  York:  D.  APPLETON  &  CO..  72  Fifth  Avenue. 


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W, 


AGES  AND   CAPITAL.     An   Examination   of 

the  Wages  Fund  Doctrine.     By  F.  W.  Taussig,  Professor  of 

Political  Economy  in  Harvard  University,  author  of  "  Tariff 

History  of  the  United  States  "  and  "  The  Silver  Situation  in 

the  United  States."     i2mo     Cloth,  $1.50. 

"An  extretaely  judicious  examination  of  the  wage  fund  theory." — The 
Outlook. 

"  The  work  is  one  of  great  importance  to  all  students  of  political  econ- 
omy."—.Saw  Francisco  Argonaut. 

"There  can  be  no  question  as  to  the  importance  of  Dr.  Taussig's  tem- 
perate discussion  of  a  question  which  has  long  engaged  the  attention  of 
scholars  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic.  Our  author  offers  the  conclusions 
which  a  brilliant  and  independent  mind  has  reached  after  patient  and  im- 
partial investigation  of  an  exceedingly  difficult  question." — Philadelphia 
Evening  Bulletin. 

"  This  important  and  searching  contribution  to  economic  theory  will 
have  a  wide-reaching  effect  on  the  development  of  political  economy  in  the 
future,  and  will  be  indispensable  for  all  who  teach  or  investigate  general 
economic  thpory." — Boston  Transcript . 

"Abounding  in  facts  of  value  and  fully  instructive.  The  book  is  free  of 
all  demagogy,  and  eminently  fair  to  every  question  discussed." — Chicago 
Inter-Ocean. 

"A  searching  and  valuable  contribution  to  economic  literature,  which 
can  not  be  ignored  by  future  writers  on  the  subject,  and  which  will  be  found 
as  interesting  as  it  is  important." — Brooklyn  Standard-Union. 

"A  most  valuable  contribution  to  the  discussion  of  the  economic  prob- 
lems of  the  day.  .  .  A  notable  contribution  to  economic  literature." — 
Boston  Advertiser. 

"  Prof.  Taussig's  valuable  contribution  should  be  welcomed  by  the 
public." — New  York  Herald. 

"The  book  will  be  found  invaluable  in  economic  study  for  its  scholarly 
presentation  of  a  complicated  and  exceedingly  important  question." — Chi- 
cago Record. 

"The  subject  is  an  important  one,  and  Prof.  Taussig  handles  it  with 
strong  'miz\\\genc&."  —Minneapolis  Journal. 

"  Prof.  Taussig's  book  is  so  radical  "in  import  that  it  is  sure  to  attract  a 
great  deal  of  attention  from  those  interested  in  current  domestic  discussion." 
— Boston  Beacon. 

New  York :  D.  APPLETON  &  CO.,  72  Fifth  Avenue. 


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D.  APPLETON  &  CO.'S  PUBLICATIONS. 

A  FLEA  FOR  LIBERTY.     An  Argument  against 

^^     Socialism  and  Socialistic  Legislation  :    Consisting  of  Essays  by 

various  writers,  with  an  Introduction   by  Herbert  Spencer. 

Edited  by  Thomas  Mackay,  author  of  "  The  English  Poor." 

8vo.     Cloth,  $2.25, 

"This  book  is  a  most  eloquent  and  comprehensive  argument  against  governmental 
aid  to  private  enterprises,  and  the  consequent  and  rapidly  increasing  habit  of  looking 
to  the  Government  for  help." — Boston  Titnes. 

FOLICY  OF  FREE  EXCHANGE.     Essays  by 

Various  Writers,  on  the  Economical  and  Social  Aspects  of  Free 

Exchange  and  Kindred  Subjects.    Edited  by  Thomas  Mackay, 

editor  of  "  A  Plea  for  Liberty."     8vo.     Cloth,  $4.00. 

"  Taken  as  a  whole,  these  essays  constitute  a  powerful  argument  in  favor  of  the 
doctrine,  once  very  generally  admitted,  but  now  often  ignored  even  by  lawmakers, 
that,  for  laborers  as  well  as  for  all  other  members  of  the  community,  free  exchange,  and 
not  coercive  combination,  is  the  safest  rule  of  guidance." — New  York  Journal  0/ 
Commerce. 

pRINCIFLES  OF  FOLLTICAL  ECONOMY,  with 

^  some  of  their  Applications  to  Social  Philosophy.  By  John  Sti;- 
ART  Mill.     2  vols.    8vo.    Cloth,  $4.00 ;  half  calf,  extra,  $8.ca 

The  "  Principles  of  Political  Economy"  is  an  orderly,  symmetrical,  and  lucid  expo- 
sition of  the  science  in  its  present  advanced  state.  In  extent  of  information,  breadth  of 
treatment,  pertinence  of  fresh  illustration,  and  accommodation  to  the  present  wants  of 
the  statesman,  the  merchant,  and  the  social  philosopher,  this  work  is  unrivaled.  It  is 
written  in  a  luminous  and  smooth  yet  clear-cut  style;  and  there  is  diffused  over  it  a 
soft  atmosphere  of  feeling,  derived  from  the  author's  unaffected  humanity  and  enlight- 
ened interest  in  the  welfare  of  the  masses. 

TK/flLLS  PRINCIPLES  OF  POLITICAL  ECON- 

•i-'J-  OMY.  Abridged,  with  Critical,  Bibliographical,  and  Explan- 
atory Notes,  and  a  Sketch  of  the  History  of  Political  Economy. 
By  J.  Laurence  Laughlin,  Ph.  D.,  Assistant  Professor  of 
Political  Economy  in  Harvard  University.  With  24  Maps  and 
Charts.     A  Text-Book  for  Colleges.     8vo.     Cloth,  $3.50. 

"An  experience  of  five  years  with  Mr.  Mill's  treatise  in  the  classroom  not  only 
convinced  me  of  the  great  usefulness  of  what  still  remains  one  of  the  most  lucid  and 
systematic  books  yet  published,  but  I  have  also  been  convinced  of  the  need  of  such 
additions  as  should  give  the  results  of  later  thinking  without  militating  against  the 
general  tenor  of  Mr.  Mill's  system ;  of  such  illustrations  as  should  fit  it  better  for 
American  students  ;  of  a  bibliography  which  should  make  it  easier  to  get  at  the  writers 
of  other  schools,  who  offer  opposing  views  on  controverted  questions;  and  of  some 
attempts  to  lighten  those  parts  of  his  work  in  which  Mr.  Mill  frightened  away  the 
reader  by  an  appearance  of  too  great  abstractness,  and  to  render  them,  if  possible,  more 
easy  of  comprehension  to  the  student  who  first  approaches  political  economy  through 
this  author." — From  the  Pre/ace. 


New  York :   D.  APPLETON  &  CO.,  72  Fifth  Avenue. 


p 


D.  APPLETON  &  CO.'S  PUBLICATIONS. 


UBLIC  DEBTS :  An  Essay  in  the  Science  of  Ei fiance. 
By  Henry  C.  Auams,  Ph.  D.,  of  the  University  of  Michigan, 
and  Cornell  University.     8vo.     Clolh,  $2.50, 

CONTENTS. — Part  I.  Public  Borrowing  as  a  Financial  Policy.  Modern 
Public  Debts;  Political  Tendencies  of  Public  Debts;  Social  Tendencies  of  Pubiic 
Debts;  Industrial  Effects  of  Public  Borrowing;  When  may  States  Borrow  Money? — 
Part  11.  National  Deficit  Financieking.  financial  Managenient  of  a  War;  Clas- 
sification of  Public  Debts;  Liquidation  of  War  Accounts;  Peace  Management  of  a 
Public  Debt;  Payment  of  Public  I>ebt . — Part  111.  Local  Deficit  Financiering. 
Comparison  of  l.ocfl  with  National  Debts;  State  Indebtedness  between  1830  and 
1850;  Municipal  Indebtedness;  Policy  of  Restricting  Governmental  Duties. 

"  Dr.  Adams  has  rendered  an  important  service  in  this  painstaking  treatise,  both  to 
financial  science  in  general  and  to  American  financial  history  in  particular.  '1  he  social, 
political,  and  industrial  effects  of  public  borrowing  and  of  interest  paying  are  methodi- 
cally unfolded.  The  mysteries  and  sophisms  that  have  grown  up  like  weeds  about  public 
debts  are  cleared  away  in  language  addressed  to  scholars,  but  not  too  recondite  to  be 
understood  by  any  reader  of  fair  education." — New  i'ork  Evening  1  ost. 

"  Thoroughly  admirable  in  its  care  and  detail,  and  altogether  the  worthiest  of  recent 
publications  on  economics." — Boston  Commercial  Bulletin. 


M 


ONEY  AND  THE  MECHANISM  OE  EX- 
CHANGE. By  W.  Sta.nley  Jevons,  Professor  of  Logic  and 
Political  Economy  in  Owens  College,  Manchester.  i2mo. 
Cloth,  $1.75. 

"  Prof.  Jevons  writes  in  a  sprightly  but  colorless  style,  without  trace  of  either  preju- 
dice or  mannerism,  and  shows  no  commitment  to  any  theory.  The  time  is  not  very  far 
distant,  we  hope,  when  legislatois  will  cease  attempting  to  legislate  upon  money  before 
they  know  what  money  is  ;  and,  as  a  possible  help  toward  sui :h  a  change,  Prof  Jevons 
deserves  the  credit  of  having  made  a  useful  contribution." — New  J  nrk  Financier. 

"The  author  offers  us  what  a  clear-sighted,  cool-headed,  scientific  student  has  to 
say  on  the  nature,  properties,  and  natural  laws  of  money,  without  regard  to  local  in- 
terests or  national  bias.  His  work  is  popularly  written,  and  every  page  is  replete  with 
solid  instruction  of  a  kind  that  is  just  now  lamentably  needed  by  multitudes  of  our 
people  who  are  victimized  by  the  grossest  fallacies." — Fopular  Science  Monthly. 


E 


LEMENTS  OF  ECONOMICS.  By  Henry  Dun- 
ning MACLEOD,  M.  A.,  Barrister-at-Law,  selected  by  the  Royal 
Commissioners  for  the  Digest  of  the  Law  to  prepare  the  Digest 
of  the  Law  of  Bills  of  Exchange,  Bank  Notes,  etc.  Lecturer 
on  Political  Economy  in  the  University  of  Cambridge.  In  two 
vols.     i2mo.     Cloth,  $1.75  each. 

"The  author  attempts  to  establish  an  exact  science  of  economics  on  a  mathematical 
basis — to  establish  'a' mew  inductive  science';  and  he  presents  what  he  calls  'a  new 
body  of  phenomena  brought  under  the  dominion  of  mathematics.'  " — New  York  World. 

"A  work  which  is  destined  to  be  of  inestimable  value  10  publicists  and  students. 
Mr.  MacLeod  treats  of  the  relation  between  value  and  quantity  of  labor  and  cost  of 
production,  holding  that  the  relation  between  supply  and  demand  is  the  sole  regulator 
of  value,  and  that  value  is  the  inducement  to  the  production  of  profits." — St.  Louis 
Republican. 

New  York :  D.  APPLETON  &  CO.,  ^^  Fifth  Avenue. 


D.  APPLETON  &  CO.'S  PUBLICATIONS. 


IV. 


EALTH  AND  PROGRESS.  A  Critical  Exam- 
ination of  the  Labof  Problem.  Tiie  Natural  Basis  for  Indus- 
trial Reform,  or  How  to  Increase  Wages  without  Reducing 
Profits  or  Lowering  Rents  :  the  Economic  Philosophy  of  the 
Eight-Hour  Movement.  By  George  Gunton,  i2mo.  Paper, 
50  cents  ;  cloth,  $1.00. 

"  The  reader  will  find  a  statement  of  the  labor  problem  as  founded  upon  the  eternal 
principles  that  underlie  and  the  laws  which  govern  human  progress,  not  only  through 
the  wages  system,  where  eight  hours  are  practicable  and  feasible,  but  the  laws  which 
govern  social  evolution  in  all  its  stages,  from  savagery  to  the  highest  phases  of  civiliza- 
tion. ' — Christian  at  IVor/c. 

^FEECIIES  AND  ADDRESSES  OF  WILLIAM 

*^      McKINLE  Y.     From  his  Election  to  Congress  to  the  Present 

Time.     Compiled  by  Joseph  P.  Smith.      With    Portraits   on 

Steel  of  the  Author  and  Others.     8vo,  650  pages.     Cloth,  $2.00. 

These  selections,  sixty-five  in  number,  embrace  a  wide  range  of  topics  of  absorbing 
public  interest,  and  include  twenty-five  speeches  devoted  to  the  tarifT question  in  all  its 
aspects,  and  others  on  silver,  Federal  elections,  pensions,  and  the  public  debt,  civil- 
service  reform,  the  Treasury  surplus  and  the  purchase  of  bonds,  the  direct  tax  bill, 
etc.  The  orator  whose  views  are  thus  presented  is  the  best  authority  of  his  party  on 
most  of  the  matters  considered.  An  elaborate  analytical  Index  gives  the  volume  an 
encyclopedic  character,  which  will  be  especially  appreciated  at  the  present  tim'e  by  the 
student  of  whatever  political  faith. 

AT  URAL  RESOURCES  OF  THE  UNITED 
STA  TES.  By  Jacob  Harris  Patton,  A.  M.,  Ph.  D.,  au- 
thor  of  "  Four  Hundred  Years  of  American  History,"  etc.  Re- 
vised, with  Additions.     8vo.     Cloth,  gilt  top,  $3.00. 

"  Covers  everything,  from  the  rarest  minerals  to  seedless  oranges.  ...  A  most 
comprehensive  volume  " — Philadelphia  Press. 

"  A  valuable  summary  of  our  native  wealth.  It  treats  not  only  of  the  precious 
metals,  coal,  iron,  and  petroleum,  but  of  natural  pas,  building  stones,  fire  clay,  kaolin, 
abrasive  materials,  mineral  springs,  salt  deposits,  grasses,  orchard  fruits,  deposits  of 
gypsum,  marl  and  phosphate,  wild  game,  and  fur-bearing  animals.  There  are  chapters 
on  irrigation,  health  resorts,  resources  in  water  power  and  in  lands.  1  he  section  on 
our  fisheries  is  deeply  interesting,  and  contributes  fresh  scenes  to  the  general  panorama 
of  our  national  prosperity.  .  .  .  No  reader  of  this  work  can  consistently  despair  of  the 
future  of  the  great  republic." — Philadelphia  Ledger. 

C  TUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM  AND  LA- 
"^       BOR  PROBLEMS.     By  T.  Edwin   Brown,  D.  D.     i2mo. 
Cloth,  $1.25. 

"This  volume  by  Dr.  Brown  is  one  of  the  best  books  on  the  subject.  It  should  be 
studied  by  all,  in  order  that  any  discussion  of  it,  whether  in  the  pulpit  or  in  private  con- 
versation, should  be  intelligent." — Cincinnati  Christian  Advocate. 


N 


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CHAPTERS  IN  POLITICAL  ECONOMY.  By 
Albert  S.  Bolles,  Lecturer  on  Political  Economy  in  the  Bos- 
ton University.     Square  i2mo.     Cloth,  $1.50. 

Contents. — The  Field  and  Importance  of  Political  Economy  ;  The  Pay- 
ment of  Labor  ;  On  the  Increase  of  Wages ;  Effect  of  Machinery  on  Labor ; 
On  the  Meaning  and  Causes  of  Value  ;  A  Measure  of  Value  ;  Money  and  its 
Uses ;  Decline  in  the  Value  of  Gold  and  Silver  ;  The  Money  of  the  Future ; 
The  Good  and  Evil  of  Banking  ;  The  Financial  Panic  of  1873  ;  Relation  of 
Banks  to  Speculators  ;  Influence  of  Credit  on  Prices ;  On  Legal  Interference 
with  the  Loan  of  Money,  Payment  of  Labor,  and  Contracts  of  Corporations  ; 
Advantages  of  Exchange  ;   1  axation. 


P 


ROTECTION   VERSUS  FREE  TRADE.     The 

Scientific  Validity  and  Economic  Operation  of  Defensive  Duties 

in  the  United  States.    By  Henry  M.   Hoyt.    i2mo.     Cloth, 

$2.00  ;  paper,  50  cents. 

The  author  of  this  work  is  well  known  as  formerly  Governor  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. He  appears  in  this  volume  as  a  defender  of  protection,  discussing  the 
subject  in  a  judicial  spirit,  with  gjeat  fullness. 


P 


ROTECTION  TO  HOME  INDUSTRY.  Four 
Lectures  delivered  in  Harvard  University,  January,  1885.  By 
R.  E.  Thompson,  A.  M.,  Professor  in  the  University  of  Penn- 
sylvania.    8vo.     Cloth,  $1.00. 

"In  thesi  lectures  Professor  Thompson  has  stated  the  essential  arguments  for  pro- 
tection so  clearly  and  compactly  that  it  is  not  strange  that  they  have  produced  a  tlcep 
impression.  .  .  .  The  lectures  as  printed  form  a  neat  volume,  which  all  fairly  informed 
students  may  read  with  interest."  -I'hitadelphia  Item. 

'T^ALKS  ABO  UT  LABOR,  and  concerning  the  Evolu- 

•^        Hon  of  Justice    between    Laborers  and   Capitalists.     By  J.  N, 

Larned.     i2mo.     Cloth,  $1.50. 

The  author's  aim  has  been  to  find  the  direction  in  which  one  may  hope- 
fully look  for  some  more  harmonious  and  more  satisfactory  conjunction  of 
capital  with  labor  than  prevails  in  our  present  social  state,  by  finding  in  what 
direction  the  rules  of  ethics  and  the  laws  of  political  economy  tend  together. 

TJTANDBOOK  OF  SOCIAL  ECONOMY ;  or.  The 

■*  -*     Worker's  ABC.     By  Edmond  About.     i2mo.     Cloth,  $2.00. 

Contents. — Man's  Wants  ;  Useful  Things  ;  Production  ;  Parasites ; 
Exchange  ;  Liberty  ;  Money  ;  Wages  ;  Savings  and  Capital ;  Strikes ;  Co- 
operation ;   Assurance,  and  some  other  Desirable  Novelties. 


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(SOCIALISM   NEW   AND    OLD.       By   Professor 
^      William  Graham.     i2mo.     Cloth,  $1.75. 

"Prof.  Graham's  book  may  be  confidently  recommended  to  all  who  are  interested 
in  the  study  of  socialism,  and  not  so  intoxicated  with  its  promises  of  a  new  heaven  and 
a  new  earth  as  to  be  impatient  of  temperate  and  rciisoned  criticism." — London  Times. 

"  Altogether  Mr.  Graham  has  given  us  a  useful  discussion,  and  one  that  deserves  to 
be  read  by  all  who  are  interested  in  the  subject." — Science. 

"Prof.  Graham  presents  an  outline  of  the  successive  schemes  of  three  writers  who 
have  chiefly  influenced  the  development  of  socialism,  and  dwells  at  length  upon  the 
system  of  Rousseau,  that  of  St.  Simon,  and  on  that  of  Karl  Marx,  the  founder  of  the 
new  socialism,  '  which  has  gained  favor  with  the  working  classes  in  all  civilized  coun- 
tries.' which  agrees  with  Rousseau's  plan  in  being  democratic,  and  with  St  Simon's  in 
aiming  at  collective  ownership.  .  .  .  The  professor  is  an  independent  thinker,  whose 
endeavor  to  be  clear  has  resulted  in  the  statement  of  definite  conclusions.  The  book 
is  a  remarkably  fair  digest  of  the  subject  under  consideration." — Philadelphia  Ledger. 

r\  YNAMIC  SOCIO  LOG  Y  ;  or,  Applied  Social  Science, 

•^-^   as  based  upon  Statical  Sociology  and  the  less  Complex  Sciences. 

By  Lester  F.  Ward,  A.  M.     In  2  vols.     i2mo.     Cloth,  $5.00. 

"A  book  that  will  amply  repay  perusal.  .  .  .  Recognizing  the  danger  in  which 
sociology  is,  of  falling  into  the  class  of  dead  sciences  or  polite  amusements,  Mr.  Ward 
has  undertaken  to  '  point  out  a  method  by  which  the  breath  of  life  can  be  breathed  into 
its  nostrils.'  " — Rochester  Post  Express. 

"  Mr.  Ward  has  evidently  put  great  labor  and  thought  into  his  two  volumes,  and 
has  produced  a  work  of  interest  and  importance.  He  does  not  limit  his  effort  to  a  con- 
tribution to  the  science  of  sociology.  .  .  .  He  believes  that  sociology  has  already 
reached  ihe  point  at  which  it  can  be  and  ought  to  be  applied,  treated  as  an  art,  and  he 
urges  that  '  the  State '  or  Government  now  has  a  new,  legitimate,  and  peculiar  field  for 
the  exercise  of  intelligence  to  promote  the  welfare  of  men." — Alew  i'ork  Times. 

"A  fundamental  discussion  of  many  of  the  mo,^t  important  questions  of  science  and 
philosophy  in  their  bearings  upon  social  economy  and  human  affairs  in  general.  It 
dses  not  treat  directly  these  current  questions  in  any  department,  and  yet  it  furnishes 
the  basis  in  science  and  in  logic  for  the  correct  solution  of  nearly  all  of  them.  It  is 
therefore  exceedingly  opportune,  as  there  has  never  been  a  period  m  which  greater  ac- 
tivity existed  in  the  direction  of  thoroughly  working  out  and  scientifically  settling  the 
problems  of  social,  national,  and  individual  life." — IVashingioii  Star. 

PREELAND :   A  Social  Anticipalion.     By  Dr.  Theo- 
-^         DOR  Hertzka.     i2mo.     Cloth,  $I.CX). 

"A  treatise  on  social  economics  somewhat  on  the  plan  of  Bellamy's  'Looking 
Backward.'  Dr.  Hertzka  has  actually  founded  a  socialist  colony  in  Africa,  upon  the 
lines  laid  down  in  this  book,  and  '  Freeland '  is  the  imaginary  history  of  the  future  of 
the  colony.  It  will  doubtless  be  the  cause  of  much  comment  and  discussion." — San 
Francisco  Evening  Post. 

"  A  politico-economic  romance  in  which  is  elaborated  a  comprehensive  and  philo- 
sophic scheme  of  social  reorganization.  Its  author  is  a  Viennese  economist  of  emi- 
ne»ce.  .  .  .  Dr.  Hertzka's  conception  of  an  ideal  social  state,  his  'Anticipation'  is  well 
worth  careful  and  sympathetic  reading." — Detroit  Tribune. 

"  In  the  end  Freeland  reaches  a  state  of  universal  prosperity  and  contentment  now 
unheard  of.  Dr.  Hertzka  assures  the  reader  that  he  has  drawn  no  Utopia,  but  a  prac- 
ticable community,  such  as  a  sufficient  number  of  vigorous  men  can  establish  in  other 
eligible  parts  of  the  world  as  well  as  in  the  highlands  of  Africa." — Cincinnati  Times 
Star.  

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HE  RISE  AND  GROWTH  OF  THE  ENG- 
LISH NA  TION.  With  Special  Reference  to  Epochs  and 
Crises.  A  History  of  and  for  the  People.  By  W.  H.  S. 
Aubrey,  LL.  D.     In  Three  Volumes.     i2mo.    Cloth,  I4.50. 

"  The  merit  of  this  work  is  intrinsic.  It  rests  on  the  broad  intelligence  and  true 
philosophy  of  the  method  employed,  and  the  coherency  and  accuracy  of  the  resalts 
reached.  The  scope  of  the  work  is  marvelous.  Never  was  there  more  crowded  into 
three  small  volumes.  But  the  saving  of  space  is  not  by  the  sacrifice  of  substance  or 
of  style.  The  broadest  view  of  the  facts  and  forces  embraced  by  the  subject  is  exhibited 
with  a  clearness  of  arrangement  and  a  definitene^  of  application  that  render  it  per- 
ceptible to  the  simplest  apprehension." — l^ew  York  Mail  and  Express. 

"A  useful  and  thorough  piece  of  work.  One  of  the  best  treatises  which  the 
general  reader  can  use." — London  Daily  Chronicle. 

"Conceived  in  a  popular  spirit,  yet  with  strict  regard  to  the  modem  standards. 
The  title  is  fiiUy  borne  out.  No  want  of  color  in  the  descriptions." — London  Daily 
News. 

"  The  plan  laid  down  results  in  an  admirable  English  history." — London  Morning 
Post. 

"Dr.  Aubrey  has  supplied  a  want    His  method  is  undoubtedly  the  right  one." — 

Pall  Mall  GazetU. 

"  It  is  a  distinct  step  forward  in  history  writing;  as  far  ahead  of  Green  as  he  was  of 
Macaulay,  though  on  a  different  liiie.  Green  gives  the  picture  of  England  at  different 
times — Aubrey  goes  deeper,  showing  the  causes  which  led  to  the  changes." — Aleta 
York  World. 

"A  work  that  will  commend  itself  to  the  student  of  history,  and  as  a  comprehen- 
sive and  convenient  reference  book." — The  Argonaut. 

"Contains  much  that  the  ordinary  reader  can  with  difficulty  find  elsewhere  unless 
he  has  access  to  a  library  of  special  works." — Chicago  Dial. 

"  Up  to  date  in  its  narration  of  fact,  and  in  its  elucidation  of  those  ^at  principles 
that  underlie  all  vital  and  worthy  history.  .  .  .  The  painstaking  division,  along  with 
the  admirably  complete  index,  will  make  it  easy  work  for  any  student  to  get  definite 
views  of  any  era,  or  any  particular  feature  of  it.  .  .  .  The  work  strikes  one  as  being 
more  comprehensive  tfian  many  that  cover  far  more  space." — The  Christian  in- 
telligencer. 

"One  of  the  most  elaborate  and  noteworthy  of  recent  contributions  to  historical 
literature." — AVw  Haven  Register. 

"  As  a  popular  history  it  possesses  great  merits,  and  in  many  particulars  is  excelled 
by  none,  ft  is  full,  careful  as  to  dates,  maintains  a  generally  praiseworthy  impartiality, 
and  it  is  interesting  to  read." — Buffalo  Express. 

"  These  volumes  are  a  surprise  and  in  their  way  a  marvel.  .  .  .  They  constitute  an 
almost  encylopaedia  of  English  history,  condensing  in  a  marvelous  manner  the  facts 
and  principles  developed  in  the  history  of  the  English  nation.  .  .  .  The  work  is  one  of 
unsurpassed  value  to  the  historical  student  or  even  the  general  reader,  and  when  more 
widely  known  will  no  doubt  be  appreciated  as  one  of  the  remarkable  contributions  to 
English  history  published  in  the  century." — Chicago  Universatist. 

"  In  every  page  Dr.  Aubrey  writes  with  the  far  reaching  relation  of  contemporary 
incidents  to  the  whole  subject.  The  amount  of  matter  these  three  volumes  contain  is 
marvelous.  I'he  style  in  which  they  are  written  is  more  than  satisfactory.  .  .  .  The 
work  is  one  of  unusoal  importance." — Hartford  Post. 


New  York  :  D.  APPLETON  &  CO.,  72  Fifth  Avenue. 


D.  APPLETON    &    CO.'S    PUBLICATIONS. 


IS  TOR  Y  OF  THE  PEOPLE 

OF    THE    UNITED    STATES, 

from   the    Revolution    to   the    Civil 

War.    By  John  Bach  McMaster, 

To  be    completed   in   six   volumes. 

Vols.  I,  II,  III,  and  IV  now  ready. 

8vo.     Cloth,  gilt  top,  $2.50  each. 

".  .  .  Prof.  McMaster  has  told  us  what  no  other 
historians  have  told.  .  .  .  The  skill,  the  animation,  the 
brightness,  the  force,  and  the  charm  with  which  he  ar- 
rays the  facts  before  us  are  such  that  we  can  hardly 
conceive  of  more  interesting  reading  for  an  American 
citizen  who  cares  to  know  the  nature  of  those  causes 
which  have  made  not  only  him  but  his  environment 
and  the  opportunities  life  has  given  him  what  they  are." 
JOHN  BACH  MCMASTER.       — ■N'-  V-  Times. 

"Those  who  can  read  between  the  lines  may  discover  in  these  pages  constant 
evidences  of  care  and  skill  and  faithful  labor,  of  which  the  old-time  superficial  essay- 
ists, compiling  library  notes  on  dates  and  striking  events,  had  no  conception ;  but 
to  the  general  reader  the  fluent  narrative  gives  no  hint  of  the  conscientious  labors, 
far-reaching,  world-wide,  vast  and  yet  microscopically  minute,  that  give  the  strength 
and  value  which  are  felt  rather  than  seen.  This  is  due  to  the  art  of  presentation. 
The  author's  position  as  a  scientific  workman  we  may  accept  on  the  abundant  tes- 
timony of  the  experts  who  know  the  solid  worth  of  his  work;  his  skill  as  a  literary 
artist  we  can  all  appreciate,  the  charm  of  his  style  being  self-evident." — Fkiladelphia 
Telegraph. 

"  The  third  volume  contains  the  brilliantly  written  and  fascinating  story  of  the  prog- 
ress and  doings  of  the  people  of  this  country  from  the  era  of  the  Louisiana  purchase 
to  the  opening  scenes  of  the  second  war  with  Great  Britain — say  a  period  of  ten  years. 
In  every  page  of  the  book  the  reader  finds  that  fascinating  flow  of  narrative,  that 
clear  and  lucid  style,  and  that  penetrating  power  of  thought  and  judgment  which  dis- 
tinguished the  previous  volumes." — Columbus  State  Jourttal. 

"  Prof.  McMaster  has  more  than  fulfilled  the  promises  made  in  his  first  volumes, 
and  his  work  is  constantly  growing  better  and  more  valuable  as  he  brings  it  nearer 
to  our  own  time.  His  style  is  clear,  simple,  and  idiomatic,  and  there  is  just  enough 
of  the  critical  spirit  in  the  narrative  to  guide  the  reader." — Boston  Herald. 

"Take  it  all  in  all,  the  History  promises  to  be  the  ideal  American  history.  Not  so 
much  given  to  dates  and  battles  and  great  events  as  in  the  fact  that  it  is  like  a  great 
panorama  of  the  people,  revealing  their  inner  life  and  action.  It  contains,  with  all  its 
sober  facts,  the  spice  of  personalities  and  incidents,  which  relieves  every  page  from 
dullness." — Chicago  Inter-Ocean. 

"  History  written  in  this  picturesque  style  will  tempt  the  most  heedless  to  read. 
Prof.  McMaster  is  more  than  a  stylist ;  he  is  a  student,  and  his  History  abounds  in 
evidences  of  reseaich  in  quarters  not  before  discovered  by  the  historian." — Chicago' 
Tribune. 

"  A  History  sui  generis  which  has  made  and  will  keep  its  own  place  in  our  litera< 
ture." — New  York  Evening  Post. 

"  His  style  is  vigorous  and  his  treatment  candid  and  impartial." — AVw  Kcr/i 
Tribune. 


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D.  APPLETON  &  CO.'S  PUBLICATIONS. 

HE  BEGINNERS  OF  A  NATION.  A  History 
of  the  Source  and  Rise  of  the  Earliest  English  Settlements  in 
America,  with  Special  Reference  to  the  Life  and  Character  of 
the  People.  The  first  volume  in  A  History  of  Life  in  the 
United  States.  By  Edward  Eggleston.  Small  8vo.  Cloth, 
gilt  top,  uncut,  with  Maps,  $1.50. 

"  Few  works  on  the  period  which  it  covers  can  compare  with  this  in  point  of  menj 
literary  attractiveness,  and  we  fancy  that  many  to  whom  its  scholarly  value  will  not  ap- 
peal will  read  the  volume  with  interest  and  delight." — New  York  Evening  Post. 

"  Written  with  a  firm  grasp  of  the  theme,  inspired  by  ample  knowledge,  and  made 
attractive  by  a  vigorous  and  resonant  style,  the  book  will  receive  much  attention.  It 
is  a  great  theme  the  author  has  taken  up,  and  he  grasps  it  with  the  confidence  of  a 
master." — New  York  Times. 

"Mr.  Eggleston's  'Beginners'  is  unique.  No  similar  historical  study  has,  to  our 
knowledge,  ever  been  done  in  the  same  way.  Mr.  Eggleston  is  a  reliable  reporter  of 
facts;  but  he  is  also  an  exceedingly  keen  critic.  He  writes  history  without  the  effort 
to  merge  the  critic  in  the  historian.  His  sense  of  humor  is  never  dormant.  He  renders 
some  of  the  dullest  passages  in  colonial  annals  actually  amusing  by  his  witty  treatment 
of  them.  He  finds  a  laugh  for  his  readers  where  most  of  his  predecessors  have  found 
yawns.  And  with  all  this  he  does  not  sacrifice  the  dignity  of  history  for  an  instant." — 
Boston  Saturday  Evening  Gazette. 

"The  delightful  style,  the  clear  flow  of  the  narrative,  the  philosophical  tone,  and 
the  able  analysis  of  men  and  events  will  commend  Mr.  Eggleston's  work  to  earnest 
students." — Philadelphia  Public  Ledger. 

"  The  work  is  worthy  of  careful  reading,  not  only  because  of  the  author's  ability  as  a 
literary  artist,  but  because  of  his  conspicuous  proficiency  in  interpreting  the  causes  of 
and  changes  in  American  life  and  character." — Boston  journal. 

"  It  is  noticeable  that  Mr.  Eggleston  has  followed  no  beaten  track,  but  has  drawn 
his  own  conclusions  as  to  the  early  period,  and  they  differ  from  the  generally  received 
version  not  a  little.  The  book  is  stimulating  and  will  prove  of  great  value  to  the  stu- 
dent of  history." — Minneapolis  yournal. 

"  A  very  interesting  as  well  as  a  valuable  book.  ...  A  distinct  advance  upon  most 
that  has  been  written,  particularly  of  the  settlement  of  New  England." — Newark 
A  dvertiser. 

"  One  of  the  most  important  books  of  the  year.  It  is  a  work  of  art  as  well  as  ot 
historical  science,  and  its  distinctive  purpose  is  to  give  an  insight  into  the  real  life  and 
character  of  people.  .  .  .  The  author's  style  is  charming,  and  the  history  is  fully  as  inter- 
esting as  a  noveL" — Brooklyn  Standard-Union. 

"  The  value  of  Mr.  Eggleston's  work  is  in  that  it  is  really  a  history  of 'life,' not 
merely  a  record  of  events.  .  .  .  The  comprehensive  purpose  of  his  volume  has  been 
excellently  performed.    The  book  is  eminently  readable." — Philadelphia  Times. 


New  York  :  D.  APPLETON  &  CO.,  72  Fifth  Avenue. 


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